The Dull Semantics of Color Blind Racism

“This is the dull semantics of racism. The white conservative twists the discursive field so that he is the sane arbiter of what is or isn’t racist; everyone else is frivolous and excessive, 'recklessly' invoking the most sacrilegious offense. This logic rests on the illusion that racism is mythically rare, that 'racist' is a dangerous slur rather than a common condition.”

-- Doreen St. Felix, Staff Writer for The New Yorker, “Trump, the Squad, and the 'Standard Definition' of Racism”

The “dull semantics of racism” – this is the lowest-common-denominator of racism. Doreen St. Felix says President Trump deals in promoting this language. From his “both sides” comment about a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville to his calls for four congresswomen of color – Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ayanna Pressley, Ilhan Omar, and Rashida Tlaib – to “go back” to the “places from which they came,” Trump consistently spews such language for the edification of his white nationalist base.

The bigoted semantics resound as Trump uses his language to call his faithful to action against those he deems unfit. Gone are the sickening ethnic slurs of the past. Taking their place are slick inferences and pointed accusations involving ethnicity. And, of course, denial and deflection abound as the GOP still supports Trump's hate speech. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, himself, said, “The president’s not a racist” and then said “everyone ought to tone down the rhetoric.” Confusing? No, just cover up and lies.

Behavioral scientist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva calls this “new” prejudice “color blind racism,” the central racial ideology of the post-civil rights era. It is characterized by a slippery, often apparently nonracial ambivalence. The five stylistic components of the ideology are the following:

1. Whites' avoidance of direct racial language,
2. The central rhetorical strategies or 'semantic moves' used by whites to safely express their racial views,
3. The role of projection,
4. The role of diminutives, and
5. How incursions into forbidden issues produce almost total incoherence among many whites.

(Eduardo Bonilla-Silva. “The Linguistics of Color Blind Racism: How to Talk Nasty about Blacks without Sounding 'Racist.” Sage Journals. January 1, 2002.)

Let's look at some typical expression that exists in color blind racism that disallows the open expression of direct racial views and positions but conceals ways of voicing them. Here are some common verbal strategies used by whites:

1. “I am not prejudiced, but” and “Some of my best friends are”

This language makes it easier to state all sorts of anti-minority positions including softening opposition to affirmative action and affirming blacks, especially those who depend on welfare, have a worse overall status than whites. Or they state their beliefs that blacks are naturally “more aggressive” or “unwilling to work hard.”

Example: “Yeah, I would say. I don’t know if that’s racist or what, but I don’t know. I don’t really talk about that much with people, you know. So, I really haven’t developed such a strong, a really strong opinion about it, but I guess I do oppose it now.”

2. “I am not black, so I don’t know”

After this phrase is inserted, people usually proceed with statements betraying a strong stance on the matter in question. 

An example: “I’m sure it’s less than it used to be, at least that’s what everybody keeps saying so: : : But, uh, I think it’s less. But uh, I can’t say. But I can’t speak for like a black person who says they’re being harassed or being uh, prejudice or uh, discriminated against.” 

3. “Yes and no, but ”

A common way of stating racial views without opening yourself to the charge of racism is apparently taking all sides on an issue.

Example: “I don’t think you should discriminate against one group to give another a better chance. And I don’t believe that’s fair at all. I also think that to move forward you have to let go of the past and let go of what happened. Um, you know, and it should really start equaling out um, ‘cause I feel that some of, some of it will go too far and it will swing the other way.”

4. “Anything but race”

Another rhetorical move typical of color blind racism is the “Anything but race” strategy. This strategy involves interjecting comments such as “Is not a prejudiced thing” to dismiss the fact that race affects an aspect of the respondent’s life. Hence, this tool allows whites to smooth out racial fractures in their otherwise color blind story.

Examples: “I did not have minority friends while growing up, but race never came into play and most of my friends were good kids.” Or “blacks read “too much” into racism when they do not get jobs.” Or ideas on racial segregation like “It really doesn’t matter to me if there’s blacks or whites there cause it's not really the color or the people that’s going to make me like an area.” 

Projection – “They are the Racist Ones ”

Projection is part of our normal equipment to defend ourselves. However, it is more than a defense mechanism, it can also be an essential tool in the creation of a corporate identity – an “Us versus Them” mentality. Paranoid projection helps whites escape from guilt and responsibility and affix blame elsewhere.

Whites project racial motivations onto blacks as a way of avoiding responsibility and feeling good about themselves. Their projections appears on a variety of issues such as affirmative action, school and residential segregation, interracial friendship and marriage, and blacks’ work ethic, but most often on the hot issue of so-called “black self segregation.”

Examples of projection: “I think they segregate themselves. Or, I mean, I don’t know how everybody else is, but I would have no problem with talking with or being friends with a black person or any other type of minority. I think they’ve just got into their heads that they are different and, as a result, they’re pulling themselves away.” Or “I have approached a couple of black people and they’ll just have their ghetto attitude that um, the white people own everything so then you have to prove yourself yada, yada, yada.”

Diminutives – “It Makes Me a Little Angry ”

Diminutive – referring to a person, object, idea that is very small (unimportant). Because maintaining a non-racial, color blind stance is key, whites use diminutives to soften their racial blows. Hence, when they oppose affirmative action, few say, “I am against affirmative action.” Instead, they say something such as, “I am just a little bit against affirmative action.” Similarly, few whites who oppose interracial marriage flatly state, “I am against interracial marriage.” Instead, they say something such as, “I am just a bit concerned about the welfare of the children.”

Example of a diminutive in the case of a racial slur: “Like, I mean, if you hear a professor say something, like a racial slur, or something just like a little bit, ya’ know, a little bit outta hand, ya’ know. I mean : : : I mean, I would just see it as like : : : ya’ know, he was just, you took it out of context or something, but, ya’ know, is just little things like that. It’s just, it’s so touchy. Everything is so touchy it seems like around here.”

Rhetorical Incoherence – “I, I, I Don’t Mean, You Know, but ”

Rhetorical incoherence – grammatical mistakes, lengthy pauses, repetition, etc.-- is part of all natural speech. Nevertheless, the degree of incoherence increases noticeably when people discuss sensitive subjects. Because the new racial climate in America forbids the open expression of racially-based feelings, views, and positions, when whites discuss issues that make them feel uncomfortable, they become almost incomprehensible, particularly when discussing their personal relationships with blacks

Example: “I mean, I would not ever preclude, um, a black woman from being my girlfriend on the basis that she was black. Ya’ know, I mean, ya’ know what I mean? If you’re looking about it from, ya’ know, the standpoint of just attraction, I mean, I think that, ya’ know … I think, ya’ know, I think, ya’ know, all women are, I mean, all women have a sort of different type of beauty, if you will. And I think that, ya’ know, for black women, it’s somewhat different than white women. Um, but I don’t think it’s, ya know, I mean, it’s, it’s ... it’s nothing that would ever stop me from like, uh, I mean, I don’t know, I mean, I don’t if that’s … I mean, that’s just sort of been my impression.”

Or this example: “I don’t know. Just … well [high pitched voice] ... I think I would have been very uncomfortable, okay, I really do. I mean, it would just be, I [raises voice] wouldn’t want to go out with a, ah … ah … really dark Middle Eastern man, or Indian, or Oriental. I mean, I, I just would be uncomfortable. If they’re closer to me in looks, okay. That’s just always the way I felt.”

Bonilla-Silva's research suggests the young, educated, middle class are not too far off from their older, less educated, working class counterparts in their crudeness and lack of rhetorical sophistication. This may well mean that as whites enter the labor market, they feel entitled to vent their resentment in a relative straightforward manner. The dull semantics of racism is at work.

This entitlement is what happens if those with power and influence view the degradation of African Americans as a positive political move. We must all be conscious of the dangerous effects of negative stereotypes, especially when they have the potential to misinform millions. When public officials spew racist rhetoric and degrade African Americans or others for their own political gain, they damage the country by emboldening white nationalists. Racism – regardless of how it is measured – appears to have been an important motive in voting for Trump. This is frightening in itself.

Footnote from the author of the studies …

“The data for the analysis comes from interviews gathered as part of two projects: the 1997 Survey of College Students’ Social Attitudes and the 1998 Detroit Area Study (DAS henceforth). The former study was conducted among 600 students (451 whites) taking social science courses in three Universities (Southern University or SU, Midwestern University or MU, and Western University or WU). The latter was conducted among 400 black and white respondents (323 whites and 67 blacks) in the Detroit metropolitan area. The interviews for the former were gathered from a random sample of the 90 percent (406) of the white students who included information on how to contact them while the latter were selected randomly among the 400 participants. Altogether there are 41 interviews with college students (10 percent sub-sample) and 83 with Detroit area residents (21 percent sub-sample).

“Since a full discursive analysis of the stylistic components of color blindness is beyond the scope of this article, I focus instead on showcasing Ž ve things. First, I document how whites avoid direct racial language while expressing their racial views. Second, I analyze the central rhetorical strategies or “semantic moves” 3 used by whites. Third, I examine the role of projection. Fourth, I show the role of diminutives in color blind talk. Lastly, I examine how incursions into forbidden issues produce almost total incoherence among many whites.”