Wednesday, October 31, 2012

Choking and Test Anxiety




Have you ever experienced test anxiety while taking an important exam? You studied long and hard for the test, experienced the usual jitters that usually come before any exam, then went to class, received the exam and immediately experienced a terrible panic attack that seemed to make you forget all the answers and freeze in terror.

The demon test just lay on your desk and seemed to chuckle as you trembled in fear.
 
The Big Choke!

Let me tell you -- I have had test anxiety. It can be debilitating and horribly frightful.The worst case for me happened during a college graduate school exam for Statistics and Measurements class. Being an English major, I must confess I was not particularly fond of taking this required class. But, things seemed to be going well until mid-term exam. That is when I experienced my biggest choke.

Realizing my lack of interest and modest math skills could hurt me, I studied long and hard for the test. The day of the mid-term, I also made a presentation for the county curriculum committee, so I did have my hands full, but the presentation went well, and I was in good spirits before my evening class. I felt confident that I had fully prepared for the task at hand. "Just bring that bad boy on" I thought as I drove to class.

I arrived on time, the prof handed out the test, one of those one-hour time restricted exams. He began to mark time, and I looked at the first few questions, spied a troubling symbol in a formula, and instantly morphed into a puddle of sweat and panic. I actually began to have problems breathing -- I had absolutely no recall or control of my emotions. I asked to get a drink of water.

After composing myself as much as possible, I returned to the test and the never ending countdown of available time when, just then, I witnessed a classmate sobbing uncontrollably while simply staring at her test. I must admit that I lost it. Jesus, people were crying and gasping over this test. I tried to fill out what I could before the hour limit, turned in my paper, and left the room in shock.

The next class, we got our tests back. I think the prof scaled the grades, but I still scored something like a D- on his best curve. That was the bad news. The good news was that I scored one of highest "A" scores in class on the Stats and Measurements final. I studied so much before that final that I believe I could have actually written the textbook from memory.

So, if you have ever experienced bouts of test anxiety, I have some promising news for you. It relates to expressive writing, which I preached religiously as a calming (and often exploratory) prewriting aid to my high school Senior Composition students. Even brief periods of expressive writing before a difficult task can help anxious people relieve something we all dread -- The Big Choke!

According to a University of Chicago study published in the journal Science, students can combat test anxiety and improve performance by writing about their worries immediately before the exam begins.
Researchers found that students who were prone to test anxiety
improved their high-stakes test scores by nearly one grade point after
they were given 10 minutes to write about what was causing them fear,
according to a study in the January 14, 2011 issue of Science
based on research supported by the National Science Foundation.
 
(Gerardo Ramirez, Sian L. Beilock. "Writing About Testing Worries
Boosts Exam Performance in the Classroom." Science, 2011; 331)

The writing exercise allowed students to unload their anxieties before taking a test. And, amazingly, the exercise also freed up brainpower needed to complete a test successfully -- the same brainpower normally occupied by worries about that "nasty old" exam.

It seems the research showed that pressure-filled situations can deplete a part of the brain's processing power known as working memory, which is critical to many everyday activities. According to a Science Daily report on the research: "Working memory is a sort of mental scratch pad that allows people to retrieve and use information relevant to the task at hand. But it is a limited resource, and when worries creep up, the working memory people normally use to succeed becomes overburdened. That can sap the brain power necessary to excel." ("Writing About Worries Eases Anxiety and Improves Test Performance." ScienceDaily. January 13 2011)

Beilock, one of the authors of the study is one of the nation's leading experts on "choking under pressure" -- a phenomenon in which talented people perform below their skill level when presented with a particularly challenging experience. Her recently published book, Choke: What the Secrets of the Brain Reveal About Getting It Right When You Have To, gives advice on how to avoid choking in situations ranging from high-stakes exams to important business presentations and athletic competitions.

"Despite the fact that people are often motivated to perform their best, the pressure-filled situations in which important tests, presentations and matches occur can cause people to perform below their ability level instead," Beilock said.

Ramirez and Beilock call writing about personal exam fears before taking a test a "Heimlich maneuver for choking under pressure."




Research Methods 

Researchers recruited 20 college students and gave them two short math tests. On the first test, students were told simply to do their best. Before the second test, researchers created a situation designed to produce stress, by saying students who performed well would receive money and that other students were depending on their performance as part of a team effort. Students also were told that their work would be videotaped, and that math teachers would review it.

Half of the students then received 10 minutes to write expressively about their feelings about the upcoming test (expressive writing group), and the other half was told to sit quietly (control group).
"The expressive writing group performed significantly better than the control group," the authors write. "Control participants 'choked under pressure,' showing a 12 percent accuracy drop from pre-test to post-test, whereas students who expressed their thoughts before the high-pressure test showed a significant 5 percent math accuracy improvement."

In another experiment researchers showed that it wasn't just
the act of writing that inoculated students against choking;
rather, specifically writing about test-related thoughts
and feelings had helped.

The researchers also conducted two experiments involving ninth-grade biology students taking the first final exam of their high school career. They tested the students for text anxiety six weeks before the final exam by asking students to rate items such as "During tests, I find myself thinking about the consequences of failing."

Before the biology finals, the students were given envelopes with directions to either write about their feelings on the test, or to think about topics that wouldn't be on the test. When researchers looked at students' final scores, they found that students who hadn't written had higher test anxiety and a worse final exam score -- even when accounting for the student's grades throughout the school year.

However, for students given the opportunity to write before the exam, those highest in test anxiety performed just as well as their less anxious classmates. "Writing about your worries for 10 minutes before an upcoming exam leveled the playing field such that those students who usually get most anxious during exams were able to overcome their fears and perform up to their potential," Beilock said.

Writing about unspoken fears of failure and related anxieties
lets students reevaluate such concerns and keep them at bay during a test.

Indeed, students highly anxious about taking tests who wrote down their thoughts before the test received an average grade of B+, compared with the highly anxious students who didn't write, who received an average grade of B-.

"Even if a teacher does not provide a chance to write before an exam,
students can take time to write about their worries
and should accordingly improve their performance," Beilock said.

"In fact, we think this type of writing will help people perform their best in variety of pressure-filled situations -- whether it is a big presentation to a client, a speech to an audience or even a job interview," she explained.

The Beilock and Ramirez study supports earlier findings by psychologist James Pennebaker of the University of Texas at Austin. His research linked writing about personal conflicts and traumas over several days at the start of a college semester to improved physical health and final grades by semester’s end. (J.W. Pennebaker. Writing to Heal: A Guided Journal for Recovering from Trauma and Emotional Upheaval. 2004)

Researchers have also found that depressed people who write about distressing personal experiences over several months ruminate progressively less about melancholy topics.

Let's Do Some "Supposin'"

Imagine this. It's the bottom of the ninth inning in the seventh and deciding game of the 2013 Major League World Series. The Cincinnati Reds and the New York Yankees are knotted at three games apiece. And, this, the championship game, is tied 3-3. The hometown Reds have loaded the bases, recorded two outs, and the next batter is renowned hitter Joey Votto.

New York calls "timeout" as the manager approaches the mound to bring in the Yankees' left-handed relief specialist. Fans, media and the Yankee opposition all notice Votto quickly return to the dugout. There, he sits patiently, laptop computer on his knees, typing some unknown text into his word processor. As the Yankee reliever approaches the mound to warm up, Votto continues to remain focused on the keyboard, typing and evidently oblivious to the "pressure cooker" situation.

The Cincy manager now calls for time allowing Votto to finish his mysterious writing task. The manager inserts a pinch runner at third base and the runner deliberately loosens his legs in preparation to score.

All in all, about ten minutes have passed since the reliever entered the game. Just then, the home-plate umpire yells, "Play Ball!"

Votto calmly closes his laptop, confidently picks up his bat, and heads for the batter's box. The crowd explodes in excitement and antipation as he steps to the plate. Great American Ballpark is literally shaking from the tumult. Each Reds fan is thinking the same thing: "Please, Joey, don't choke now."

In the meantime, Votto, cool as a crisp fall morning, takes his stance, waves his bat, stares out at the mound, and awaits a pitch that is destined to be entered in the annals of Major League history.

What could Votto possibly have been writing on that laptop? Even those expert national network commentators with their overblown, never-ceasing analysis of the game don't have a clue. But, I do. Don't you?

"I'm scared shitless. After all I signed a ten-year contract for $225 million, and I've only gone eight for thirty in the Series. I need to perform. A good eye- a walk will win the game. Yeah, I have a good eye. Lead the league in walks. What will he throw me on the first pitch? Should I take a strike or two. Fastball in the zone - I have to swing at it. Just a hit, a single for Christ's sake, I've done this a million times. But, he'll probably jam me or drop a slider, his best pitch. Don't sucker for the ball outside or the high pitch. Don't help him.

"Damn, the entire Series is on my shoulders -- all the fans, the kids, the championship for the city. What the fuck? I am nervous but I should be. I can put this energy to work for me. And, this is what they pay me for -- to hit under pressure. No big deal, just breathe deep now and "see the ball, hit the ball" like Doggy says. I'm in control and the "choke" is on the pitcher. I can do this. I will do this. I played ball all my life for this opportunity. Hell, this is my moment. Relax, relax, automatic. Take my time. Good, hard contact. Nobody or nothing is going to scare me out of a great at bat. Focus. Good Lord willing. I'm feeling a lot better. Simple task, just fundamental. I got this. I want this."

Just then, the home-plate umpire yells, "Play Ball!"

 

Tuesday, October 30, 2012

The Serpent Mound Spirituality




"WE IN THE OHIO VALLEY ARE LIVING WITHIN IN A VAST AND DECAYING RUIN OF A WONDERFUL SPIRITUAL MACHINERY THAT ONCE ALLOWED MEN AND WOMEN TO LIVE AS ASCENDED BEINGS -- FEET ON THE EARTH, HEAD IN THE SKY. WHEN SPIRIT CHIEF WAS THE MASTER AND HARE WAS THE MEDICINE BEARER, THERE WAS NO DISEASE, POVERTY, OR DEATH AS WE UNDERSTAND THESE THINGS TODAY.


"BUT WHEN THE LAMPS WERE TAKEN OFF THE SACRED ALTARS--WHEN THE GREAT SERPENT WAS STRIPPED AND MADE TO CRAWL ON HIS BELLY, THEN ALSO MEN BEGAN TO SHRINK IN AGE, IN STATURE, AND IN MENTAL CAPACITY UNTIL AT LAST THEY WERE OVERRUN BY THE EUROPEANS--WHO HAD THEMSELVES UNDERGONE A SIMILAR DE-EVOLUTION.


"A MERE 5-6 THOUSAND YEARS AGO WE LIVED FREE AND ENJOYED FULLNESS OF LIFE. NOW WE ARE LIVING IN THE SHADOWS OF OUR OWN DISTANT PAST."

Now, let me begin by saying I believe I am a very spiritual person. By that, I mean I believe in an immaterial reality, not ghosts and demons and other such man-made mythical creations, but spiritual opportunities that provide an inner path enabling a person to discover the essence of his/her being. I believe through strong spirituality, we build our deepest values and meanings. And, I think spirituality is often experienced as a source of inspiration or orientation in life.

I think the divine may be manifest in things in our material world, but I also believe the divine is transcendent, or present outside of this material world. In other words, I strongly believe a person can be closer to the divine, and thus more spiritual, while in certain earthly settings or while partaking in particular human experiences. Yet, I firmly hold that a transcendent divine also exists and is wholly independent of (and removed from) the material universe in both nature and power. In his domain, the divine Creator is in control.

I strongly believe in spiritual practices such as meditation, contemplation and prayer. To me, these things help a person develop his/her inner life and also help connect that person to achieve a larger, better reality. These practices help a spiritual believer find more meaning in self, others, nature, and the divine.

Yet, even though I believe I am spiritual, I find myself struggling to believe I am religious in many senses. I absolutely believe in a divine Creator. I also believe in life after death. However, certain tenets of particular faiths and customs of religious traditions are hard for me to accept. William Irwin Thompson once suggested "religion is the form spirituality takes in a civilization." I tend to agree. I often ponder why there couldn't be different "spiritual paths" that a person may employ to find his/her own way to the Creator.

So, now that I have lost a generous portion of my potential audience for this post with my "heathen" views, let me continue...

As crazy and totally illogical as this seems, let's suppose something. Let's use our imaginations and even our spirits to envision a lost world. Not a storied Atlantis somewhere beneath the waves nor another sphere of intelligent beings somewhere in a distant galaxy, but a lost world in Southern Ohio, in Scioto County. This lost world was a world peopled by the ancient Adena and Hopewell cultures -- people whose remains comprise the soil upon which we Ohioans stand today.

And, for good measure, let's suppose these Ohio cultures were far more intelligent than we give them credit for being. And by that, I mean "far more intelligent" in native spirituality -- in both the meaning and the utility of the human spirit as it relates to nature, to others, and to the divine.

And, consider that these people may have been far more intelligent in terms of understanding transcendence as it relates to living a material life and transcending to an afterlife. Maybe they knew some "secrets" of achieving celestial harmony we just don't possess today.

The quote above represents the words of Ross Hamilton, Native American historian, author, and lecturer. Hamilton is one of the foremost authorities on the Mound Builders and particularly on Serpent Mound in Adams County, Ohio.

Hamilton believes we understand (and, have never understood very much) little about the temperament of ancient native peoples. He has done extensive tutoring with Native American leader Vine Deloria, Jr. and Iroquois chieftain Jake Swamp to develop his own native intelligence. And, according to Hamilton, the way Western culture and the culture of the Adena and Hopewell view spirituality are different and often at odds. This makes for problems as Western minds attempt to comprehend native beliefs and concepts of today and long ago.

For example, he has come to understand that the antiquity of native stories has lent to their spiritual "dehydration." The vivid oral tales of ancient Americans have been made more succinct over time as they have been handed down from generation to generation. Also, with interpretation, the tales have gone through considerable changes, some potentially damaging to their meaning.

Of course, Europeans have a different understanding of the way the American continent once was than that of Native Americans. This is brutally obvious in traditional texts used to instruct American history to our youth. Not only European-minded history but also European-minded religion caused a different view of early native cultures to develop.

Understanding the differences in European and Native American thinking, Hamilton searches for ways to comprehend the minds and teachings of both cultures. He remains open minded in his studies with Native American tutors to develop a totally different concept of how natives understood the importance of spirituality.

Hamilton says the ancient cultures were "cosmically conscious." He states the following:

"It is of great importance to grasp what Native folk are attempting to teach us insofar as the Star People (Adena and Hopewell) are concerned. In the beginning of the book I try to convey how the star ancestors were us, but in a completely different frame of reference—out of our present understanding of time and our remarkably illogical emphasis solely on the objective world. We used to be mature people, intellectually as spiritually, and lived to be very old with good health, but we have lowered our standards and goals to that of vulnerable human beings, and done so through an utter and abject loss of memory.

"These earthworks are all that remains to us of once great lodges that, through utilizing the energies internal to Earthworks were made to reflect the stars but also to harness the energies of the sky.

"The earth in perfect consummation with those of the atmosphere, were able to create literal mini-paradises on the earth. By synchronizing many of these garden-lodges across a large tract of landscape, enough of the life-force essence was distilled and distributed to uplift the people, as the land itself, to heights of spirituality and civilization quite incomprehensible to most of the world’s populations today."

Hamilton, himself, has always felt a deep magic and an almost heavenly inspiration about anything Native American. He believes a lost mythology equal to or surpassing anything the Egyptians or Greeks passed down existed in ancient native America. And, he believes the key to recovering it lay in what he refers to as the "Star Mounds," the earthworks of the Ohio landscape. He contends understanding these mysterious mounds relies upon the interpretation of them with the stars correctly laid in projection over them.



In particular, Hamilton says Serpent Mound and its park acreage has a complete astronomical record possibly tied in with its coils—an archaeoastronomer’s dream. Its design, going by astronomical science, may predate both the pyramids of Egypt and Stonehenge.

In his book Star Mounds, Hamilton proposes a new theory backed by much apparent evidence. This new theory suggests that the non-burial earthworks -- many of which reflect the discoveries of Pythagoras, Archimedes, and Euclid -- were actually refurbished by indigenous people between 2,000 and 3,000 years ago because they were falling into utter ruin. In other words, these temple complexes may have been designed over 5,000 years ago as part of a grand plan to "bring the heavens down to meet the earth." This movement could better provide a much-needed spiritual pathway.

Hamilton believes Serpent Mound was part of that "grand plan." The ancients seem to have designed the works in accord with the pattern of stars composing the constellation Draco. The star pattern of the constellation Draco fits with fair precision to Serpent Mound, with the ancient Pole Star, Thuban (α Draconis), at its geographical center.

Astonishingly, according to Hamilton, builders apparently utilized seven or eight classical geometrical axioms to form the works, and these all work in harmony with the multifaceted astronomy. He says what we see today may only be the remnant of a platform upon which a serpent or dragon effigy once lay.

This effigy itself may well have been utilized as a very sophisticated lightning totem -- a sacred instrument of a spiritual science utterly incomprehensible today but well comprehended before recorded history.

Hamilton believes the ancient landscape masters constantly processed the energies of atmosphere and earth to provide a truly paradisaical environment for the people. The Serpent was, like other mánitous of its kind, a great medicine maker, that may in theory have served man and land alike aiding in bringing forth the full potential of both.

But, all that has been forgotten now.

OK, I know. This is spiritual science. You probably think I'm into all of the Bigfoot, Nostradamus, UFO, conspiracy theory, Masonic secret society, ghost-hunting stuff. Believe me, I'm not. So, if you allow this nutty old man a little more leeway, I want to ask you a few questions.

1. Do you believe that the so-called Adena and Hopewell cultures of Mound Builders existed in Ohio over two thousand or (possibly) over five thousand years ago?

2. Do you believe the Mound Builders had a purpose, other than constructing burial sites, for the locations, symbols, and designs they used in building the earthworks?

3. Do you believe ancient American cultures may have had a greater understanding of the spirit and meaning of the natural world as it relates to creation than their European usurpers?

4. Do you believe that we Westerners began to lose touch with our own spiritual beings many, many centuries ago and that we still grow farther and farther away from spiritual understandings in both our interpretation of the material world and the divine world?

5. Do you have an open mind that allows you to consider diverse interpretations of native intelligence and even spiritual religion?

6. And, would you agree that a society does not have to leave a written account of its existence and doctrine to be considered one of the most highly developed spiritual societies in history?

I assume my questions received a lot of "yes" answers. By the way, I answered "yes" to each.

When I am visiting places like Serpent Mound or Adena, I, like Hamilton, am filled with feelings of wonder and reverence. Something totally beyond the limits of my comprehension possesses my spirit as I tread the grounds. Yes, I call these ancient places "spiritual" grounds. And, why shouldn't I?

I know for certain that many things have been lost since the time of the Mound Builders. A people so close to the earth and to nature surely had a rich history. As I write this entry, I am thinking about the power of writing. What if the Adena and Hopewell cultures had a strong form of writing such as that of the Egyptians? What treasures would we possess today. How much better would our America be?And, who knows, maybe more is yet to be discovered that will reveal the knowledge these people possessed. I love to think that.

From my understanding, the ancient Ohioans were peaceful, loving, and highly spiritual people. Using the raw resources they had at hand, they developed a strong culture -- a wonderful, caring society. Most likely, an aggressive, warlike tribe from the North obliterated them and their way of life, leaving little behind except the mounds and some scattered artifacts. We can only imagine who these native Americans were through these physical traces and through the oral tradition.

Maybe a lack of knowledge is best for us humans who remain. Perhaps, even today, we couldn't understand the true spirit of these native people. And, surely, most of us would consider their beliefs nonsense. In truth, many don't care to know about who lived before them because they are so caught up in how they live and believe now. I believe this is very unfortunate.

  

Monday, October 29, 2012

The Adena -- Considering the Point


 

While attempting to identify some Native American points (arrowheads), I, with my highly curious but totally novice investigation, concluded that my best specimen was likely a product of the ancient Adena culture. Even though my point was over two thousand years old, it was well-preserved and very distinctive. As I admired its condition and relevance, it soon became an object of fascination -- a wonderful relic my father left to me from his young days of exploration at his grandfather's farm in Adams County.

I let my imagination turn to the fact that I was holding living history, an artifact made and used in ancient times by a native in Southern Ohio. I wondered what the person was like who had crafted it and how he had used it. I wondered how he had dressed, why his people had built so many mounds, and why they had left so few clues to their identity.

Very quickly, I understood although my love for local Native American history began in my early childhood, my personal searches, my field trips to points of interest, and my readings in Ohio History had left me with little knowledge about the Mound Builders and even less about the Adena. So, naturally, I began an online investigation of the ancient people who once occupied my own backyard.

What I found was both amazing and perplexing. Let me explain.

First, it is of utmost importance to emphasize that the Adena culture is not the name of an ancient American Indian tribe or ancestral group. We really have no evidence of what these people might have called themselves.

The people remain nameless in their own language.

We don't even have words or an oral history preserved by their own vocabulary.
 
Governor Worthington's Adena

Comprehending the Adena Culture

Instead of a living, definitive expression of a name for the culture, we know these people by the simple "tag" of Caucasian settlers. Adena is a term of archaeological convenience that encompasses similarities in artifact style, architecture, and other cultural practices that distinguish the Adena culture from earlier and later cultures in the region.

The name Adena comes from the title of the 2000-acre estate of Governor Thomas Worthington (1773-1827) in Chillicothe. Worthington was the 6th governor of Ohio and one of the state's first United States Senators. He was a close friend of Thomas Jefferson, Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and Tecumseh. Worthington named his beautiful estate Adena, meaning "a place remarkable for the delightfulness of its situation." We Ohioans know the view from the estate was the inspiration for the Great Seal of the State of Ohio

A large burial mound on this property became known as the Adena Mound. Since this mound site exemplified all the significant features of the culture, Adena also became the "type site" and the name of the site was applied to this entire culture of Mound Builders.

So, Adena also became the name given to the people who built these mounds. This does not even suggest Worthington's mound was the first mound made by the ancient culture. That fact remains unclear today.

I have lived in Southern Ohio all my life. I have visited the Adena Mound and many other mounds including the famous Serpent Mound near Peebles. My hometown of Portsmouth is the home of a mound preserved in a very popular park appropriately titled Mound Park. To think the scant history of these mound-building people exists with no traceable name stunned me. How could this be?

Upon further investigation, I found out that very little is know about the Adena people, and almost all that is known has been determined through archaeological remains and artifacts.




Tracing Adena Culture

A. Poverty Point and the Archaic Period (Between 1650 and 700 BC)

Long before the Native Americans we commonly know as Indians lived a people we call the Mound Builders. There are varying beliefs about when they were around. Most archaeologists agree the time fell between 3000 BC to 200 AD. This would place the early Mound Builders in America during the Archaic Period.

Most scholars believe mound building customs related to the Adena first began at the edge of Maçon Ridge, near the village of what would become known as Epps in West Carroll Parish, Louisiana. These earthworks are said to predate the Adena, and they became known as the Poverty Point works, named after a northeastern Louisiana plantation. Likewise, the culture that built these structures are now known as the Poverty Point culture.

Poverty Point is the earliest major mound complex site found in America north of Mexico. It contains some of the largest prehistoric earth works in North America.


Poverty Point is a rare example of a complex hunter-gatherer society that constructed large scale monuments. The site consists of six rows of concentric ridges which were at one time five to over twenty feet high. The site is surrounded by other outlying earthen mounds that overlook the Mississippi River. Archaeologists have debated the functions of the Poverty Point site since its rediscovery. One of the main questions has been whether it was used for a settlement or only for periodic ceremonial events.


Radiocarbon dating of the Poverty Point site has produced a wide variety of results, and suggests that most of the rings of earthworks and mounds had been constructed between 1600 and 1300 BCE. This indicates that the monuments had likely been gradually built over several centuries by groups of successive generations.

Because Poverty Point culture is defined in terms of stone tools and trade rocks, it really represents a technological and economic pattern more than a social and political one. The technology and economy were not confined to one large body of kinfolks or to a single tribe, nation, or ethnic group. They were not confined to people who spoke the same language. Many groups of people bore Poverty Point culture, and most of them were unrelated and politically independent.


The culture extended 100 miles (160 km) across the Mississippi Delta. The original purposes of Poverty Point have not been determined although archaeologists have proposed various possibilities including that it was: a settlement, a trading center, and/or a ceremonial religious complex.


As the mound builders of Poverty Point spread throughout the northeast, they not only impacted the landscape but influenced the development of new civilizations. While they possessed a limited agricultural base, the people of Poverty Point engaged in trade with other indigenous tribes. It was through these various trade missions that they most likely introduced aspects of their own culture – possibly even the techniques used in the construction of mounds.


The populations of the mound-building cultures are unknown, but at times they probably reached well into the millions. Poverty Point was a thriving trade center. Population estimates for Poverty Point are about five thousand inhabitants; the later Adena culture is estimated to have been from 8 to 17 million; the Mississippian city of Cahokia alone is estimated to have had between forty thousand and seventy-five thousand inhabitants during the twelfth century.
Scientists believe changes in temperature and precipitation such as increased flooding, caused an ecological imbalance that led to abandonment of Poverty Point. Archaeologists use this as a time boundary between the Archaic and later Woodland periods.



B. Adena Roots

Some evidence suggests groups of Archaic people lived in Ohio at least until 1000 to 500 B.C.

But, it is clear that in the centuries just before the birth of Christ, a new culture evolved in eastern North America referred to by archaeologists as the Woodland period. At first, the differences between Archaic and Woodland cultures like the Adena seemed to be quite clear: the people of the Woodland period grew more plant food, lived in permanent villages, made pottery, and emphasized ceremony and art.
These differences appeared to be so great that some archaeologists in the past believed that the Woodland peoples must have moved into Ohio from places as far away as Mexico. And, archaeological evidence suggests that these ancient cultures came up the Mississippi Valley from the Gulf of Mexico.
Similarities between artifacts recovered from Ohio mimics similar artifacts found in the Mayan Culture of Central America. Did the Mound Builders come from Central America? Or did the Mayan Culture come from the Mound Builders, or are they both branches of the same tree?
Because of lack of written evidence, it is difficult to make any definitive conclusions as to the origins of the Adena. And, whether this ancient culture is related to contemporary Native American cultures cannot be determined. Perhaps in time, DNA tests will be able to further identify characteristics of all ancient American cultures.
In fact, more recent research shows that in much of the Ohio Valley, there was not an abrupt change, but rather a slow shift from Archaic to Woodland lifestyles.
And so it is that the Adena of the Ohio River Valley have been identified as the most likely successor civilization to that of Poverty Point. The Adena share many cultural traits with Poverty Point and also practice similar mound construction.
 

C. Adena and the Early Woodland Period (Between 800 BC and 1 AD)
 
What we do know is that a Pre-Columbian Native American culture flourished in Ohio from 500 BC to 100 BC, in a time known as the Early Woodland period. The Adena culture during this period refers to what were probably a number of related native societies sharing a burial complex and ceremonial system.
The Adena were primarily hunter/gatherers, but they also farmed crops. They depended on a variety of native plants that provided relatively small seeds. And, they planted their seeds in what we assume were relatively small gardens and harvested their crops on a regular basis. They situated themselves where they could do farming but also could go up into the hills to take some wild game and harvest
a variety of different native plants.
Seed plants farmed by the Adena included sunflowers, squash, sumpweed, goosefoot, knotweed, maygrass, and pumpkins. This set of native plants often is referred to as the Eastern Agricultural Complex.
The Ohio and Mississippi valleys were one of only seven regions in the world where people turned local plants into the basis for a food-producing economy.
The consequences of this change in how people made a living would be far-reaching.
Unfortunately, Native American cultures were limited in agricultural development by the general lack of suitable animal domesticates. Native American horses had become extinct, and these animals might not have been suitable for domestication in any case. At the time, no other animals might have served as domesticated sources of burden, wool, milk, meat, traction, or transportation in North America. It is widely held that horses were not re-introduced to North America until the coming of the Spanish Conquistadors in the 16th century
This fact limited technological change and compelled a reliance on wild game for meat, hides, and animal fiber. The absence of any animal equivalent to the ox forestalled the development of plows and wheeled vehicles as well as grassy plant domesticates similar to Eurasian wheat and barley, which require plow technology.
Despite the limits of native agriculture, the Adena culture was wide spread from Indiana to New York and from central Ohio south to Kentucky, but Southern Ohio seems to be the center of their culture simply because of the size and number of mounds found here. In Ohio alone, they built ten thousand mounds of earth, and in fifteen hundred different places they built walls of earth and stone around spaces sometimes as large as 300 acres.
Like the rest of the Woodlands peoples, the Adena lived in small temporary villages and continued to migrate from spot to spot within a broad geographical area. However, the Adena peoples were distinct from their neighbors in that they were evolving toward a more complicated pattern of sociopolitical organization.
The mounds they left give clues to this complex structure. Some have suggested Adena leadership followed a "Big Man" pattern (later know as “Chief”). Historian Otis Rice suggests these early Americans "built mounds over the remains of leaders, shamans, priests, and other honored dead." For their "common folk," the Adena cremated the dead bodies, placing the remains in small log tombs on the surface of the ground.
By 100 B.C., some of the Adena groups had begun to build larger earthworks and expand their efforts to acquire exotic raw materials. The Adena's extensive trading network is confirmed by finds of materials native to the Southeast, North and South. These groups became known as the Hopewell culture, but many people continued to follow the old ways and in some regions, such as southwestern Ohio, the Adena culture persisted well into the 1st century A.D.
The Adena and Hopewell mounds along with the Hopewell system of trade suggest to us that the people lived in a stratified society with a leadership of individuals who were responsible for negotiating and maintaining the necessary contacts and exchanges. Exactly what type of leadership this was is not known.
Other archaeologists conjecture a pattern firmly rooted in kinship principles, with lineage and /or clan heads acting as the conduits for exchange between local and regional groups. This latter hypothesis is based on the interpretation of the many Hopewell animal effigy smoking pipes recovered from burial mounds as representing clans or lineages, somewhat similar to clans named after animals by some later Native American groups.
According to this hypothesis, then, Adena society was divided into a series of rank-ordered lineages with each of the primary burial centers used by one or more of the lineages as the final resting place for its leaders.
In addition to their sociopolitical organization, archaeological evidence proves that the Adena had highly developed social customs and religious rites, and they had a thriving artistic community. We know from finds that the Adena were skilled potters and sculptors, making pottery and small effigy sculptures out of clay and stone. In addition to clay, they made bowls and other household utensils from wood and stone.



D. The Demise of the Mound Builders
For some reason the Adena stopped building the massive earthworks that were so predominant throughout the southern half of the Ohio country. Why did the building stop? Did some force wipe out the Adena or cause them to move away? Contemporary archaeologists have never recovered any written historical references to this activity.
That is not to say no evidence exists, but only that no one one has yet made such a discovery. Just as the pyramid builders in the Mid-East stopped building pyramids, just as the Stonehenge builders stopped erecting great stone works, so too did the mound builders of Ohio stop.
The fate of the Adena is truly unknown. We know from evidence that the Mound Builders evolved over the centuries. Technologies changed, rituals changed, farming changed. At some point their culture stopped being identified with a central location. Did that mean they no longer existed as a people? Did some internal conflicts or power struggles cause the breakup of the culture? No one can say for certain. There is certainly no shortage of theories about the Mound Builders, where they came from and why they stopped. When a civilization has no preserved written history, the fate of that civilization is left to speculation.
Here are a few of the more plausible speculations:
  • Conflict with stronger, more dominant cultures
  • Crop pestilence
  • Disease or plague
Many experts believe that warfare and invading tribes contributed to the end of their way of life.
One theory is that beginning around 1650 AD, the powerful Iroquois tribe drove out the other native tribes from Ohio. The Iroquois had already hunted most of the beaver from areas in the East, and they moved into Ohio in search of more furs to trade with Europeans. The Iroquois were in turn driven out by the Shawnee, Delaware, Wyandot, and Miami tribes, which were probably the tribes present in the Ohio area when European settlers first arrived.
This invasion seems to be supported by finds from later Mound Builder sites, that we have identified as the Fort Ancient Culture. These were constructed on elevated positions, with walls surrounding increasingly larger villages suggesting that these sites were created as defensive positions. Excavations of grave sites, particularly in the northeast, show numerous remains that had arrowheads embedded in the skeletons. Some remains besides having multiple arrowheads, also showed signs of animal teeth marks suggesting that the individual may have been killed outside the compound and left to scavengers before being brought inside for proper burial.
The Myth of the Lost Race of Mound Builders


The Prairies
“And burn with passion? Let the mighty mounds
That overlook the rivers, or that rise
In the dim forest crowded with old oaks,
Answer. A race, that long has passed away,
Built them; - a disciplined and populous race....
The red man came
The roaming hunter tribes, warlike and fierce,
And the mound-builders vanished from the earth.
The solitude of centuries untold
Has settled where they dwelt.”
  • William Cullen Bryant, 1832
    A poem inspired by his travels in Illinois, home to one of the largest American Indian chiefdoms and mound centers in the New World (Cahokia)

Because the new Euro-American settlers could not, or did not want to, believe that the mounds had been built by the Native American peoples they were displacing as fast as they could, some of them – including members of the scholarly community – began to believe in a "Lost Race of Mound Builders.”
By 1800, the mystery of the tens of thousands of mounds in the eastern United States called out for a solution, and that solution was not to be found in the Native Americans, who were considered too lazy to have constructed such great works. The Euro-Americans then conjectured that the mounds had to have been the work of some superior lost white race.

Prejudice was so strong that few, if any, scholars believed that Native Americans, themselves, constructed the mounds (the view from our time). The logic of racial superiority, national pride, religion, and the pocketbook demanded a history in which the Indians killed off an ancient white race of "Mound Builders."

After all, a vast continent lay at the feet of a young nation, and the only thing obstacle to its settlement were the natives. Robert Silverberg, author of And the Mound Builders Vanished from the Earth (1969), writes with brilliance and humor: "The dream of a lost prehistoric race in the American heartland was profoundly satisfying; and if the vanished ones had been giants, or white men, or Israelites, or Danes, or Toltecs, or giant white Jewish Toltec Vikings, so much the better."
So, what were the colonial justifications emerging from the Mound Builder myth? Precisely this – if Indians killed a white race, the white race was justified in killing or removing them. This political view certainly helped the myth circulate and ascend to such popularity. In particular, frontiersmen who were eager to fulfill Manifest Destiny were very supportive of this myth, as they stood to gain economically from the removal of Indians from their original lands.
The early accounts of Mound Builders claimed they were a race of superior beings, perhaps one of the Lost Tribes of Israel, who were killed off by later people.
James Adair, who traded and lived with American Indians from 1735 until 1775, published The History of the American Indians in 1775, which laid out a biblically based argument for Native Americans as descendants of the Hebrews, some of the lost tribes of Israel. Even Joseph Smith's Book of Mormon, produced in 1830 and widely known in its time, helped develop this merger of the lost tribes of Israel theory with the Mound Builder myth.
This view of the Lost Race persisted. Much later, people who excavated Mound Builder structures claimed that they had found skeletal remains of very tall individuals, who certainly could not be Native Americans. Or so they thought.
Mary Sutherland, author of Living in the Light, wrote that people in 1872 of Seneca Township, Noble County, Ohio, in what is now called Bates Mound, reported three skeletons were found. According to the reports, all three skeletons unearthed were at the very least eight feet tall in height with bone structure proportional to their height. Another amazing discovery about these skeletons is that they all had double rows of teeth.
Later, in 1878, another discovery was reported in the county of Ashtabula County, Ohio. Mounds were excavated on land belonging to Peleg Sweet, a man of large features. In the first mound, workers unearthed a skull and jaw which were of such size that the skull would cover Sweet's head and the jaw could be easily slipped over his face. Excavating further, they discovered these mounds contained the graves estimated between two and three thousand. Many of the skeletons found were of gigantic proportions.
Here are some other accounts written by the Whites of the Lost Race:
* From the History of Medina County, Ohio, published in 1881
 
In digging the cellar of the house, nine human skeletons were found, and like such specimens from other ancient mounds of the country. They showed that the Mound Builders were men of large stature. The skeletons were not found lying in such a manner as would indicate any arrangement of the bodies on the part of entombers.
In describing the tomb, Mr. Albert Harris said: “It looked as if the bodies had been dumped into a ditch. Some were buried deeper than others, the lower one being about seven feet below the surface. Then the skeletons were found, Mr. Harris was twenty years of age, yet he states that he could put one of the skulls over his head, and let it rest upon his shoulders, while wearing a fur cap at the same time. The large size of all the bones was remarked, and the teeth were described as “double all the way around.”
 
* From the History of Brown County, Ohio, published in 1883:

Mastodonic remains are occasionally unearthed, and, from time to time, discoveries of the remains of Indian settlements are indicated by the appearance of gigantic skeletons, with the high cheek bones, powerful jaws and massive frames peculiar of the red man, who left these as the only record with which to form a clue to the history of past ages.”

* From the History of Marion County, Ohio, published in 1883:
Evidence for the occupation of this region before the appearance of the red man and the white race is to be found in almost every part of the county, as well as through the northwest generally. In removing the gravel bluffs, which are numerous and deep, for the construction and repair of roads, and in excavating cellars, hundreds of human skeletons, some of them of giant form, have been found.

A citizen of Marion County estimates that there were about as many human skeletons in the knolls of Marion County as there are white inhabitants at present!”
* From the Ironton Register, a small Ohio River town newspaper, dated May 5, 1892,:
Where Proctorville now stands was one day part of a well paved city, but I think the greatest part of it is now in the Ohio river. Only a few mounds, there; one of which was near the C. Wilgus' mansion and contained a skeleton of a very large person, all double teeth, and sound, in a jaw bone that would go over the jaw with the flesh on, of a large man; The common burying ground was well filled with skeletons at a depth of about 6 feet. Part of the pavement was of boulder stone and part of well preserved brick.”
 
Even Native American legends told of two different races of strange humans that pre-existed their culture. One was the early Archaic people who had slender bodies with long narrow heads.. The other group was the later Adena people who had a massive bone structure with a short head.
The legend told of Archaics living in the Ohio River Valley prior to the Adena culture.

David Cusic, a Tuscarora by birth, wrote in 1825 that the legend tells of an ancient people existing in the Ohio Valley, a powerful Archaic tribe called Ronnongwetowanca. They were giants, and had a "considerable habitation." Cusic said, according to legend, when the Great Spirit made the people, he created some of them as giants. They made themselves feared by attacking when most unexpected.

As the legend goes, in what is assumed to be around 1000 BC, the Adena moved into the area, coming up from the South, to claim dominion over the land.

After having endured the outrages of these native giants for a great long time, the Adena people banded together to destroy them. With a final force of about 800 warriors, they successfully annihilated the abhorrent Ronnongwetowanca. There were no giants anywhere after this, it was said. This was supposed to have happened around 2,500 winters before Columbus arrived in America, i.e. circa 1,000 B.C. – the time that the Adena seem to have arrived in the Ohio Valley. And, from the Adena, the art of mound building was established .
By the late 1870s, scholarly research (led by Cyrus Thomas and Henry Schoolcraft) had discovered and reported there was no physical difference between the people buried in the mounds and modern Native Americans.

Then, bones began to be considered no longer as good a source of information as they once were thought to be, and for several good reasons. Bone, while composed dominantly of the metallic calcium, yet is made up of organic molecules. Depending on moisture and temperature, it will decay, break down with time, and return to the condition of the soil after a certain number of centuries.

Bone evidence has created over-emphasis on certain periods of prehistory, in this region the so-called "Hopewell" and "Fort Ancient" (Mississippian) people. Thus, a great proportion of the Archaic and early Adena bones discovered were decomposed beyond preservation. Due to a lack of skeletons other more antique periods have not received the same kind of recognition save from the better scholars affecting the interested public's view of the ancient world.
 
Members of the public were harder to convince, and if we read county histories into the 1950s, we will still see stories about the Lost Race of Mound Builders. Scholars did their best to convince people that the Native Americans were the architects, by giving lecture tours and publishing newspaper stories: but this effort backfired. In many cases, once the myth of a Lost Race was dispelled, the settlers lost interest in the mounds, and many of the mounds were destroyed as settlers simply plowed away the evidence.
 
Most scholars today recognize that the ancestors of modern Native Americans, not a Lost Race, were responsible for all of the prehistoric mound construction in North America. But, of course, speculation continues due to lack of evidence.


Conclusion
Little did I realize one arrowhead would open so much interest. I am determined to read much more about the Adena culture. I think I owe it to those who occupied my homeland so long before me. I believe I should attempt to better understand just who these inhabitants were and how they impacted my county. After all, I have lived with the knowledge of their presence here nearly all my life, and I have never taken the time to study their contributions.
Most of the obligation I feel stems from a feeling of sadness that these people are not even remembered by the name of their native tribe or group. How could this be?
As a European, I feel partly responsible for the displacement of the Adena, even if they were driven from the land by other Native American cultures.
And, as a human being, I feel bitter that such an advanced culture left such a little trace of its proud tradition and history. Accepting the minute documentation we have about the Adena people endows us with a very special and personal gift, yet it also presents us with a challenge to learn more about them.
How can we European Americans not question the origin of the people we eventually displaced? Even if early natives told our distant ancestors that they, the Native Americans, understood themselves as always present in America, the "Spontaneous People," we should investigate their roots with more interest and precision.
In Red Earth, White Lies, Vine Deloria Jr. takes to task European Americans interested in American Indian origins. He argues that little progress has been made in the "scientific" study of Native origins. Deloria says that the major contemporary theory for these origins, the Bering Land Bridge Theory, is simply a redux of racist nineteenth-century arguments: "The Bering strait became first the ecclesiastical and then the scientific trail from Jerusalem to the Americas."
Deloria continues by arguing that, beyond being a remnant of the racist politics of the nineteenth century, the Bering Land Bridge Theory does not fit with "scientific" data, does not mesh with any American Indian oral traditions, and has "existed only in the minds of scientists."
How do we reconcile these positions and feelings with the continued and expanding quest for answers about American Indian origins? Perhaps, we should better open our ears to Native American views and recollections of their own ancestral experiences. I like to think some of them surely know more about their own history than archaeologists who dig in the earth and interpret artifacts. I stare at my Adena point and wonder. It is a touchstone to a past reality that I feel compelled to explore.
 

Tuesday, October 16, 2012

Support Natural Highs For Youth


 
 
Guess what? Most people take drugs to get high. 

If you have never experienced this feeling of pleasure through drugs, you may want to compare “natural highs” you have felt without the aid of drugs to a drug "high." Remember the times your brain's reward circuitry was activated with so much dopamine that an event or even an expectation caused an unexpected rush of excitement to come over you and fill you with intense feelings of pleasure?

Of course, different levels of intoxication on drugs are dependent on the drug and various other physical and environmental circumstances. Let's assume someone smokes marijuana. What kind of “highs” may occur?

Speaking in generalizations, the lowest level of “high” may be referred to as “catching a buzz” for 30 minutes up to 2 hours. Users with a buzz experience a nice, calm “floaty” feeling that often changes their negative mood and increases their happiness while lowering their inhibitions.

A second level often known “getting high” causes pleasurable feelings to grow even more and extend into longer periods of time. People who are high generally feel intense bliss and report heightened sensitivity to their environments. It alters their perception of the world around them. Users who “get high” may laugh a lot and want to do something fun or exciting. One analogy to “getting high” is feeling like being “a grown up kid.” But, high individuals are not necessarily totally impaired. Some enjoy heightened sensations while having “high” sex.

“Being stoned,” the feeling caused by the the highest level of chemical consumption, causes many individuals to display a complete lack of motivation or activity for quite a long time. Users refer to being stoned as “being wasted” or “being zoned out.” Others parallel the feeling with being drunk but feeling as if they have some “distant” feelings of control. When people are stoned, they can not only become lethargic but also feel paranoid as they have bad sensations of being “burned out” when coming down from the experience.

Risk behaviors, including tobacco, alcohol, and drug use, are common in adolescents and young adults. Those who engage in one risk behavior are likely to engage in additional health risk behaviors, and as the number of risk behaviors increase, depression comorbidity emerges.
Many findings support the fact that young people, especially, practice risky behavior when they are high.

One such study found the following:

“More frequent heavy episodic drinking, marijuana use, and other illicit drug use were associated with a greater number of sex partners. Frequency of marijuana and other illicit drug use was associated with less frequent condom use, and marijuana use was associated with use of injection drugs.

“Younger individuals (i.e., 21-24 years old versus 25-30 years old) had fewer sexual partners, more frequent condom use, and a stronger association between heavy episodic drinking and number of sexual partners than did older individuals. These effects did not vary across gender.

“Findings highlight the covariation of substance use with HIV-related risk factors among recent cohorts of young adults in the U. S. and the particularly strong link between heavy episodic drinking and number of sexual partners among individuals aged 21 to 24. Prevention programs should acknowledge the co-occurring risks of substance use and HIV risk behaviors, especially among young adults in their early twenties.”

(M.E. Patrick et al., “HIV/AIDS Risk Behaviors and Substance Use by Young Adults in the United States,” Prev Sci, October 2012)


Why Do Young People Engage in Risk-taking Behavior?

The reasons may be a little more complicated than most people think.

In findings reported in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Agnieszka Tymula and colleagues at Fordham and Yale wrote: “It is not that adolescents actually choose to engage in risks, but rather they are willing to gamble when they lack complete knowledge,” the authors wrote.

Co-author Ifat Levy of the Yale School of Medicine said in the statement that the teens’ tendency to embrace the unknown “biologically makes a lot of sense: young organisms need to be open to the unknown in order to gain information about their world.”

“When we see young children engaged in risky actions we do not think about them as risk-takers, but rather we see them as curious about the world that surrounds them. This process of learning continues throughout life,” the authors wrote. “Our results suggest that policies that aim to correct adolescent decision-making under risk by providing a safe and supervised environment for learning by doing so may in some cases be more effective than those that rely on prohibition.”


(Eryn Brown, “Teens and Risky Behavior: More Complicated Than It Seems,” Los Angeles Times, October 2 2012)  


Support For "Natural Highs"

What if more alternatives to being "high" became common practice? What if young people were able to lead lives that included safe and supervised environments that provided a degree of risk taking? I believe youth would benefit with increased physical activity and alternative interests that fire the release of dopamine and increase excitement.


Consider the National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health reports:


Nearly half of young people aged 12-21 are not vigorously active on a regular basis.

Physical activity declines dramatically with age during adolescence.

Female adolescents are much less physically active than male adolescents.



Children are more active than adults, but their activity levels decline as they move toward adolescence, and significant numbers of young people do not participate in recommended levels of physical activity. The 2003 Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System (YRBSS) provides documentation of the inadequate levels of physical activity among high school–age youth.

“Thirty-seven percent of students did not participate in ≥20 minutes of vigorous physical activity on ≥3 of the previous 7 days, and black, Hispanic, and female students were less likely than their white male counterparts to participate in vigorous physical activity at recommended levels. More than one third (38.2%) of students spent >3 hours per day watching television.”


(J.A. Grunbaum et al., Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance – United States, 2003)
Challenges, both physical and mental, ignite significant instinctive interests in young bodies and brains. Not every child can be a sports star, but all can choose from a multitude of other activities that build promising skills and provide helpful character-building opportunities.


Youth need not only intellectual and physical challenges but also outlets for their natural need to take risks. For example, I remember when drag race strips were extremely popular places for motorheads to race and gather. I also remember times when many young people built a strong interest in outdoor activities – hiking, hunting, fishing, rappelling, caving, orienteering – through Scouting.


Today, adults should provide ample experiences for young people to burn some of their racing hormones. If taking drugs and drinking alcohol increases the risk for serious illnesses and death, the adults have the responsibility to structure alternative “natural high” experiences for young people. To expect adolescents to become less curious and less adventurous is folly. They are at the height of their need for exploration, and, realistically, some of this curiosity involves needs to test their boundaries of risk. I did this as a youth. Didn't you push your limits and risk danger too often when you were young?


The drugs of choice today are far too dangerous and addictive to invite experimentation. Youth want to “get high” for reasons that seem very important to them. The novel, the thrilling, the titillating, and the risky present a carnival of sensory experiences irresistible to the young. The key is that intelligently prepared navigation through these new, exciting times can prevent these young adults from relying upon chemical stimulation.


What kind of “natural high” experiences am I suggesting? Ghost hunting, skydiving, skin diving, camping, boating, archery, construction, mapping, exploring, model building … on and on. What fields interest youth? Archeology, technology, history, anthropology, health, medicine, paranormal, languages, geography, film, drama, literature, recording, music … many more.


Let's face it. Our youth do have many varied interests that could be tapped by local citizens willing to spend some extra time with them. We should provide all of them, not just the athletically inclined, with opportunities to engage in exciting activities that give them a safer, “natural high.”


I am certain that the curiosity and cravings for adventure will not suddenly disappear just because someone preaches to them about the value of safe living and the worth of making good choices. We must extend these lessons by offering young people controlled environments that include a degree of risk and allow them to make their own decisions even in their innocent days.



I played junior high and high school football. I saw many injuries (some, in fact, very serious) and I suffered a few myself. Potential injury is always present, a part of the sport, yet athletic associations, medical groups, schools, coaches, officials, and parents do everything they can to prevent any serious injury from happening. Parents are willing to allow their children to engage in this risky activity provided the right protection and supervision is given. Most parents think little about the most serious risks, such as spinal injuries, that may occur to their children while playing football.


What teens are dealing with every day in their schools and in their gathering places holds the potential of much more danger than playing football.


I am so tired of seeing parents set their children loose in dangerous environments without essential information, protection, and guidance. These parents misjudge the potential for serious injury and death in these environments and assume their teenagers can make trustworthy friends and critical decisions in the face of peer pressure, raging hormones, and drug abuse that can easily extinguish their lives.


Teens who avoid all contact with elements of danger are typically labeled “wallflowers” and suffer bullying and rejection from the popular crowd. No wonder so many overdoses, addictions, pregnancies, STDs, suicides, and other tragedies occur.


In my opinion, we do not offer these teens alternatives. I think if “natural highs” can save lives, we should encourage youth to engage in them. I believe in outlets for teen emotions, trials, and tribulations. And, I believe young people need some freedom combined with better education, better structure, and better support. The freedom to make informed decisions through increased physical and mental development will build better decision makers. Structuring some “risky” opportunities for young people will help them cope with the future, and, most importantly, it will also save their lives today.

Sunday, October 14, 2012

Photos of Criminal Environments Wanted




The Drug Action Team has been given a project. Each person is to photograph areas of the county (streets, roads, alleys, parks, parking lots, etc.) where known drug activity, including alcohol consumption, exists. In addition, the members have been asked to photograph any businesses and outlets where illegal drug activity occurs, including carry-outs, bars, and mini-marts that sell drugs, tobacco, and alcohol to minors.

I assume all of the environments will be identified as problem zones where enforcement must be increased. The photographs will also be shared with all members of the Action Team as a means to establish proof that specific locations in Scioto County represent dangers to the public -- eyesores that cloak criminal activity, gathering places for addicts, and illegal business operations.

This photography presents some legal issues for those involved. For example, it is generally legal to photograph or videotape anything and anyone on any public property. Yet, even on public property, certain restrictions do apply.

Like many states, video surveillance laws in Ohio need to be interpreted through its wiretapping statutes (Oh. Rev. Code 2933.51-2). Specifically, any unauthorized interception of an "oral communication" is prohibited. While there is no specific law against video surveillance, its usage as a means to intercept an "oral communication" (e.g. video recording at close range with an audio track) may be prosecutable as a criminal offense.


Photographing In Public Places


Members of the public have virtually no privacy rights when they are in public places. The general rule is when you’re on public property (a street, sidewalk, city park, etc) you can take pictures of what you see. This means that you can also photograph private property (notice the guideline DOES NOT SAY “ON” private property) as long as you’re not trespassing to get the shot.

Basically, anyone can be photographed without consent except when they have secluded themselves in places on public property where they have a “reasonable expectation of privacy” such as dressing rooms, restrooms, medical facilities, or inside a private residence. This legal standard applies regardless of the age, sex, or other attributes of the individual.

Photographing private property from within the public domain is legal, with the exception of an area that is generally regarded as private, such as a bedroom, bathroom, or hotel room. In some states, there is no definition of "private," in which case there is a general expectation of privacy. Should the subjects not attempt to conceal their private affairs, their actions immediately become public to a photographer using an average lens or video camera.


Photographing On Private Property


On private property, photography may be prohibited or restricted within an area of property by the property owner. Entry onto private property usually requires permission from the property owner.

At the same time, a property owner generally cannot restrict the photographing of the property by individuals who are not located within the bounds of the property.

Photography on private property that is generally open to the public (e.g., a shopping mall) is usually permitted unless explicitly prohibited by posted signs. Even if no such signs are posted, the property owner or agent can ask a person to stop photographing, and if the person refuses to do so, the owner or agent can ask the person to leave the property.

In some jurisdictions, a person who refuses to leave can even be arrested for criminal trespass, and many jurisdictions recognize the common-law right to use reasonable force to remove a trespasser; a person who forcibly resists a lawful removal may be liable for battery, assault, or both.

Photographers must remember that some jurisdictions have laws regarding filming while in a hospital or health care facility. Where permitted, such filming may be useful in gathering evidence in cases of abuse, neglect, or malpractice.


The Police and Photography

  • Police officers may not generally confiscate or demand to view your photographs or video without a warrant. If you are arrested, the contents of your phone may be scrutinized by the police, although their constitutional power to do so remains unsettled. In addition, it is possible that courts may approve the seizure of a camera in some circumstances if police have a reasonable, good-faith belief that it contains evidence of a crime by someone other than the police themselves (it is unsettled whether they still need a warrant to view them).
  • Police may not delete your photographs or video under any circumstances.
  • Police officers may legitimately order citizens to cease activities that are truly interfering with legitimate law enforcement operations. Professional officers, however, realize that such operations are subject to public scrutiny, including by citizens photographing them.
  • Note that the right to photograph does not give you a right to break any other laws. For example, if you are trespassing to take photographs, you may still be charged with trespass.

My View


While I understand the intent of the scrutiny of the county, I question the purpose it serves other than to reinforce what people already know. If the payoff of photographing illegal drug activity and common places where criminal behavior occurs is increased patrol, stronger enforcement, and prosecution of criminals, some of the photography could represent valuable legal evidence.


However, if the Action Team exercise is fodder for group discussion that is ultimately filed in a cabinet to satisfy someone's curiosity and goal statements, I wonder if it is worth the effort. Taking these photos does involve some definite risk to the photographers and the potential for them being charged with invasion of privacy. In addition, some business owners may resent this invasive approach to reform.


I think everyone should know the laws about taking photographs. Many people assume they are free to photograph anything anywhere during these days of camera phones and miniature recorders. Today, consumers sometimes confuse the convenience and the incredible numbers of such devices with unlimited, unfettered applications.


I believe anyone who takes these potentially incriminating photos should be willing to be identified as the author of the work. What good does it do to collect a portfolio of “bad environments” that stand without required information such as dates, times, locations, and verifications of photographer? I would hope people would stand behind their photos, not “pass the buck.” Would people actually testify?


In fact, at this time people complain about reporting illegal activity to authorities, and the authorities doing nothing with their evidence. Without the cooperation of Scioto enforcement, citizens see little need to call the law. Granted, enforcement has to follow definite rules and restrictive policies that hamper many investigations.


Yet, the “street of cooperation” runs two ways: when significant numbers of residents see laws being applied unevenly because of political and special interests, these residents lose all trust in the integrity of the agencies. Some even fear they will be blamed for “sticking their noses” where they shouldn't. So, they have become conditioned to do nothing. I don't have to explain further how these things deter good people from helping fight crime.


We do need a responsive public – a public willing to fight for justice, domestic tranquility, and general welfare. If the public needs to take photos to accomplish the attainment of these God-given freedoms, they should take frame after frame for this project. But, face it – it's not the photos that possess value. Instead, it is the outcome of taking the photos that holds the proof of the pictorial accessment.


Most of us can conjecture the content of the film before production. We know the establishments that ignore illegal drug activity. We know the shady people who deal in these places. We know the coverups of prominent faces who break the laws. We know the dark and secluded environments that need more patrol. We know the carry-outs that illegally sell cigarettes and beer to minors. We know the parents who allow their underage children to hold keg parties. We know the football tailgates that typically conceal alcohol and other drugs on school and public property.


If we want an album of these photos, let's snap the pictures. I would be willing to do so if I am guaranteed results for my efforts. Maybe agencies are willing to step up and give us that guarantee. Still, without proper cooperation, this album will be a joke – no more effective than those incriminating, disgusting stories on Topix. Are you willing to contribute photographs and stand behind your facts of attaining them? Or do you fear the system is broken?