“Today, an estimated
54 million Latinos live in the U.S. and around 43 million people
speak Spanish. But though Latinos are the country’s largest
minority, anti-Latino prejudice is still common. In 2016, 52 percent
of Latinos surveyed by Pew said they had experienced discrimination.
Lynchings, 'repatriation' programs and school segregation may be in
the past, but anti-Latino discrimination in the U.S. is far from
over.”
-- Erin Blakemore,
history.com
Even in the modern times of 2019, it is
difficult to dispute the continued existence of Latino-American
discrimination. The current outbreak of the “Latino threat
narrative” has deep roots in history and in the overall documentary
of racism in the United States. Studies show that anti-immigrant and
anti-Latino rhetoric leave psychological damage in their wake.
The country must consider how the
discriminatory words and attitudes of today recruit new disciples of
bigotry and hatred while threatening the promise of a nation
dedicated to e pluribus unum – “out of many, one.”
I understand Latino is defined as "a
person of Latin America." The term "Latino" includes
peoples with Portuguese roots, such as Brazilians, as well as those
of Spanish-language origin. In the United States, many Hispanics and
Latinos are of both European and Native American ancestry (mestizo).
The United States Census uses the
ethnonym Hispanic or Latino to refer to "a person
of Dominican, Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central
American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race. It
is my belief most Americans do not know the differences in the many
cultures commonly referred to as “Latino.” False and
stereotyped images cause great inequality and mistreatment of these
peoples. The past certainly supports this.
Discrimination Escalates
The recent history of Latino-American
discrimination largely began in 1848, when the United States won the
Mexican-American War. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which marked
the war’s end, granted 55 percent of Mexican territory to the
United States. With that land came new citizens. The Mexicans who
decided to stay in what was now U.S. territory were granted
citizenship; thus, the country gained a considerable Mexican-American
population.
Later in the 19th century,
American employers like the Southern Pacific Railroad desperately
needed cheap labor, so the railroad and other companies flouted
existing immigration laws that banned importing contracted labor and
sent recruiters into Mexico to convince Mexicans to emigrate.
And, during the California Gold Rush,
as many as 25,000 Mexicans arrived in California. Many of these
Mexicans were experienced miners and had great success mining gold in
California. Some Anglos perceived their success as a collective loss
to U.S. wealth and intimidated Mexican miners with violence. White
miners begrudged former Mexicans a share of the wealth.
However, even though Latinos were a
critical part of the U.S. economy, anti-Latino sentiment in the
United States grew. Like other minorities, they were barred from
entering Anglo establishments. They were segregated into urban
barrios in poor areas. These people – with a different language and
a different color – became an underclass stereotyped as lazy,
stupid, and even dangerous.
* Note of Interest – Mexicans
are heterogeneous in their racial characteristics, ranging from
having light to dark skin and eye color with many in the brown and
mestizo middle. Outsiders tend not to see Mexicans as White or Black.
Rather they are viewed through the stereotypic lens of being
non-white or brown and largely indigenous-looking. Eventually
Mexicans moved from being considered White to brown, probably due to
both legal and social changes although it is difficult to tell which
of these occurred first.
Unspeakable violence against Latinos
escalated quickly. The lynching of Mexicans and Mexican US-Americans
in the Southwest has long been overlooked in American history. This
may be because the Tuskegee Institute files and reports, which
contain most comprehensive lynching records in the United States,
categorized Mexican, Chinese, and Native American lynching victims as
white.Statistics of reported lynching in the United States indicate
that, between 1882 and 1951, 4,730 persons were lynched, of whom
1,293 were white and 3,437 were black.
“According to
historians William D. Carrigan and Clive Webb, mob violence against
Spanish-speaking people was common in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries. They estimatethat the number of
Latinos killed by mobs reach well into the thousands, though
definitive documentation only exists for 547 cases.”
The Mexican American community has
long been the subject of widespread immigration raids. The Bisbee
Deportation was the illegal deportation of about 1,300 striking mine
workers, their supporters, and citizen bystanders by 2,000 vigilantes
on July 12, 1917. The workers and others were kidnapped in the U.S.
town of Bisbee, Arizona and held at a local baseball park. They were
then loaded onto cattle cars and transported 200 miles for 16 hours
through the desert without food or water. The deportees were unloaded
at Hermanas, New Mexico, without money or transportation, and warned
not to return to Bisbee.
During the Great Depression (1930s),
the United States government sponsored a Mexican Repatriation
program, which was intended to pressure people to move to Mexico, but
many were deported against their will. More than 500,000 individuals
were deported, one source estimates that approximately 60 percent of
which were United States citizens.
According to the National World War II
Museum, between 250,000 and 500,000 Hispanic Americans served in the
Armed Forces during World War II. Thus, Hispanic Americans comprised
2.3% to 4.7% of the Army. The exact number, however is unknown as at
the time Hispanics were classified as whites. Generally Mexican
American World War II servicemen were integrated into regular
military units. However, many Mexican–American War veterans were
discriminated against and even denied medical services by the United
States Department of Veterans Affairs when they arrived home.
Since World War II, Latino-American
discrimination continues. Persuasive anti-immigrant sentiment and
treatment has worked against all Mexicans whether immigrant or born
in the United States. Viewed as alien and low status, Mexican
immigrants were (and continue to be) scapegoated and targeted for
mistreatment.
Historically and legally, Mexicans have
been treated as second-class citizens. Within a few short decades
after their conquest in the mid-nineteenth century, Mexican
Americans, although officially granted United States citizenship with
full rights, lost much of their property and status and were
relegated to low-status positions as laborers. Instead of being
recognized as important parts of the American melting-pot of
immigration, they are considered as outsiders and unwanted citizens.
Mexican immigration has continued to be
of predominately low status. Throughout the twentieth century,
Mexicans with low levels of education and from poor backgrounds
immigrated to the United States to fill the lowest paid jobs
(agriculture, domestic work, construction).
Even though immigrants were a minority
of all Mexican Americans up to the 1980s, the perception of all
Mexican Americans as low status immigrants has been pervasive. The
immigration legislation of the 1980s has made legal entry to the
United States by Mexicans almost impossible, yet immigration has
continued.
This slow-down of legal entry forced the overwhelming majority
of Mexican immigrants in the late twentieth century to enter the
United States without proper documentation. This has served to
further fuse anti-Mexican and anti-undocumented immigrant sentiment.
This suggests that in the eyes of many White Americans, all Mexicans
are “illegal” and all “illegals” are Mexican.
* Darker Mexican Americans, therefore appearing more stereotypically Mexican, report more experiences of discrimination.
* Darker men report much more discrimination than lighter men and than women overall.
* More educated Mexican Americans experience more stereotyping and discrimination than their less-educated counterparts, which is partly due to their greater contact with Whites, and
* Having greater contact with Whites leads to experiencing more stereotyping and discrimination.
Let us face some truths. First of all,
darker skin color contributes to increased Latino-American
discrimination because darker Mexican-Americans are stereotyped as "bad people" – a dumb, lazy, and dangerous
segment of society. This
is consistent with prior research showing that minority men are
especially likely to face obstacles in education, the labor market,
and criminal justice system.
Truth number two is pitifully sad. That
is this – outsiders expect Mexican Americans to be less educated
and treat them accordingly. Whites treat them in discriminatory ways;
for instance they report being passed over promotions or not getting
hired. In education settings, teachers and other school staff make
derogatory remarks or convey the message that Mexican Americans are
less worthy. Mexican Americans also reported unfair treatment in
public spaces, like restaurants and stores. It is in these
interactions beyond the family and ethnic neighborhood, that Mexicans
Americans face unequal treatment.
Lastly, and most regrettably,
Latino-American discrimination is still a constant threat. Polls by
groups like the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, the Harvard T.H. Chan
School of Public Health, and Pew Research Center reveal that a third
(37%) to a half (52%) of Hispanics in the United States have
experienced discrimination because of their race or ethnicity –
while applying for jobs, being paid equally or being considered for
promotions, and when trying to rent a room or apartment or buying a
house.
Is it any wonder that concepts of
identity and race are complex and varied for Latinos? About
one-in-four Hispanics in the U.S. identify as Afro-Latino, and a
quarter say they are of an indigenous background. At the same time,
two-thirds of Latinos say their Hispanic background is a part of
their racial identity – a racial identity constantly under attack
in America, an identity many in Trumpian America believe to prone to
criminality and terrorism.
“Mexican” – what image
most enters the mind of White America when reading this word? It
behooves us to consider the truth about millions of citizens who
attach a very negative racial stereotype to the term. And, in truth,
so many do not differentiate between “illegal” and “legal” in
their conception.
The word “prejudice” comes
from the word pre-judge. We pre-judge when we have an opinion about a
person because of a group to which that individual belongs. A
prejudice has the following characteristics:
- It is based on real or imagined differences between groups.
- It attaches values to those differences in ways that benefit the dominant group at the expense of minorities.
- It is generalized to all members of a target group.
Yes, I believe imagined differences are
being promoted by politicians who use fear to monger hatred of
Latinos. In doing so, they create real walls of division in America.
In its current state under the resurgence of White Nationalism, the
United States adheres to equality under e pluribus unum strictly
in shades of unpigmented descent.
Sources
Blakemore, Erin.”The Brutal History
of Anti-Latino Discrimination in America.” history.com. September
27, 2017.
Carrigan, William
and Clive Webb. "When Americans Lynched Mexicans". The
New York Times. The
Journal of Social History. February 20,
2015.
Chacón J, Davis
M. No One is Illegal: Fighting Racism and State Violence on the
U S-Mexico Border. Chicago: Haymarket Books; 2006.
Massey DS. Racial
Formation in Theory and Practice: The Case of Mexicans in the United
States. Race and Social Problems. 2009;1:12–26. [PMC free
article] [PubMed]
Orozco, Cynthia. “Porvenir Massacre.”
tshaonline.org.
Ortiz, Vilma and Edward Telles. Racial
Identity and Racial Treatment of Mexican Americans.” Race Soc
Probl. Author manuscript. 2012 April.
"Refusing to Forget: Monica Muñoz
Martinez Uncovers America's History at the Border". The Andrew
W. Mellon Foundation.
Vasquez J. Blurred
Borders for Some but not “Others”: Racialization, “Flexible
Ethnicity,” Gender, and Third-Generation Mexican American
Identity. Sociological Perspectives. 2010;53(1):45–72.
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