Sunday, February 10, 2019

Northern Newspapers and Slavery -- The Portsmouth Times of the 1860s


Delving into Northern newspapers of the 1860s, I found the actual discussion about slavery to be very different from what I had imagined. My old high school, pablum-filled history texts must have colored and toned down the rhetoric to convince students like me that liberty and justice were loudly trumpeted in most Union papers. The truth is that trumpet was heavily muted, if dared to be sounded at all.

I knew that conflicting beliefs about the institution of slavery and its abolition divided the country at the time; however, I did not suspect that such strong pro-slavery emotions permeated the press in a free state like Ohio. I discovered that anti-Abolition belief was so widely distributed in editorials and articles that it was commonplace. As for the blacks, they were commonly referred to as “property” and “brutes” or “thugs,” especially after staging rebellious uprisings.

Reading actual articles from the Portsmouth Times revealed an understanding of how this most important national issue of slavery personally affected locals. While reading, I felt as if I had been transported back to the homes of these 19th century Scioto Countians reading with them the publications most likely to influence their opinions.

I purposely limited my research to the Portsmouth Times because, to me, local history is of primary interest to citizens seeking information about the development of thought and culture in this small Appalachian community. I found some passages I would like to share with you.

I write this entry to employ historical records that bolster facts. As a realist, I believe a thorough examination of history can reveal the climate, knowledge, and beliefs of a particular time. I do not wish to denigrate those who lived then. Nor do I wish to bemoan the actions and thoughts of others. I do, however, believe in the importance of change and in the need to “look back” to evaluate the progress and/or the declines we have made.

Background

In his book, The Press and Slavery in America (2017), Professor of Journalism Brian Gabrial gives an overview of the newspaper coverage of significant rebellions against slavery from 1791 to 1859. Gabrial contends ...

Between 1751 and 1859, a shifting 70-year conversation about free and slave black Americans, the press, and the nation took place in the pages of American newspapers, with these conversations erupting during significant slave troubles. Media coverage of five such events—Haiti’s 1791 slave revolt, Gabriel Prosser’s 1800 slave conspiracy, Louisiana’s 1811 slave revolt, Denmark Vesey’s 1822 slave conspiracy, Nat Turner’s 1831 slave revolt, and John Brown’s 1859 Harper’s Ferry raid—shows how the nation’s once unifying 'Spirit of ’76' crumbled as white America was increasingly pressed to confront slavery’s injustice.”

Even from its first days of its existence, America took two views of slavery: (1) a conservative view that it was right and constitutionally protected, and (2) a progressive view that it was evil and had to be abolished. One must remember that, for the most part, black Americans were not a part of the conversation, yet events caused current journals to record article after article about slavery.

So, when slave troubles erupted, white America were widely exposed to writings about slavery and, therefore, they became better informed about black America. To say the Northern press of the time was not sympathetic to the system and to the “legal property” employed in the South to is an terrific understatement. For example, the powerful New York Herald editor James Gordon Bennett wrote after John Brown’s raid: “The whole history of negro insurrection proves that there is no race of men so brutal and bloody-minded as the negro. The negro (sic), once roused to bloodshed, and in possession of arms, is as uncontrollable and irrational as a wild beast ...”

In the early days of the Republic, slave society had tacit support from those in non-slave holding areas. In the 1822 essay “North and South,” a writer suggested, that Americans should “view the different states as forming but different parts of one great and happy nation, that will ever rejoice in the suppression of internal commotion (slave revolts), and repel hostile invasion.” In other words, slavery was not a Southern, but a National interest: one handed down from generation to generation. This idea propagated the view that slavery should not be considered a serious moral dilemma.

How could the immortality of bondage be accepted? Cotton – southern, slave-picked cotton – was the mainstay of Northern antebellum economy. There was a direct and critical linkage of Northern industrialization and Southern slavery. Besides the economical reason for accepting slavery, the North was still widely prejudice against blacks.

Free blacks in the North were increasingly ill-treated. Oppressive laws tightly controlled the lives and employment of free blacks, and black families were being driven out of northern towns by being deemed poor or disorderly. Even as the North began to erase responsibility for two centuries of slave-owning from its collective memory, an ideology of black racial inferiority arose to justify the impoverished conditions and harsh treatment of a free black population.


After Nat Turner, there were no Southern apologies for slavery. and slave states entered into an era of denial and repression. The defense of the system reached a zenith in a November 1859 Richmond Enquirer headline, “Slavery – the bond of union throughout the world.”

Over time, newspaper accounts of slave troubles found a major contingent of antebellum white readers largely unsympathetic because of deeply held racist beliefs about black people. These Northerners remaining blind to the impending crisis over slavery. While its social, economic, and political complexities affected both black and white Americans, black Americans, of course, most bore slavery’s heavy weight of suffering. And, eventually, the nation would, too, as a bloody Civil War was looming.

Despite a general indifference in the North, opposition to slavery started as a moral and religious movement centered on the belief that everyone was equal in the eyes of God. Not confined to a single church, early antislavery sentiment was common among Mennonites, Quakers, Presbyterians, Baptists, Amish, and other practitioners of Protestant denominations.

From its religious roots in the eighteenth century, abolitionist sentiment, or the belief slavery should be completely eradicated, evolved into the formation of antislavery societies in the early nineteenth century. These societies aimed to raise awareness about the moral evils of slavery. The moral character of the abolitionist appeals were a common rhetorical feature of the Second Great Awakening, a bubbling social movement of the first half of the nineteenth century.

One must understand that before the Civil War, running a newspaper could be pretty dangerous. Bad things could happen to a white editor who ran pieces against slavery. There are accounts of more than 100 mob attacks against abolitionist newspapers, including one 1837 riot in Alton, Illinois, that killed editor Elijah Lovejoy – Presbyterian minister, journalist, newspaper editor and abolitionist. He was soon hailed as a martyr by abolitionists across the country.

Some free black writers risked writing articles … some very inflammatory. David Walker of Boston wrote An Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World, arguably the most radical of all anti-slavery documents. It caused a great stir when it was published in September of 1829 with its call for slaves to revolt against their masters. David Walker wrote, ". . .they want us for their slaves, and think nothing of murdering us. . . therefore, if there is an attempt made by us, kill or be killed. . . and believe this, that it is no more harm for you to kill a man who is trying to kill you, than it is for you to take a drink of water when thirsty."

After Walker published the pamphlet urging enslaved people to fight for their freedom, there was a price on his head: $1,000 to kill him, $10,000 to capture him alive.

Historical Note – African Americans did have their own press. They founded anti-slavery newspapers, such as the Mirror of Liberty, Freedom's Journal, the National Watchman, and the North Star. They sparred with the defenders of slavery in the pages of newspapers and magazines and posted broadsides on city streets.

In additional to traditional news stories about the politics and court cases related to slavery, early newspapers contained editorials, advertisements for slave auctions, and reward notices for runaway slaves. In many instances, reward notices provide detailed biographic information, including the names and relatives runaway slaves, physical descriptions, and geographic details of where they may have traveled.


The Portsmouth Times

The following excerpts were taken from several issues of the Portsmouth Times. They reflect print from stories and editorials of the time concerning slavery, abolition, and even President Abraham Lincoln. The editions used in this entry are the following:

Portsmouth Times; June 2, 1860,
Portsmouth Times, March 1, 1862,
Portsmouth Times, March 7, 1863,
Portsmouth Times, October 17, 1863

June 2, 1860

Lincoln's Record in Congress” in the Times from the Logan County Gazette of Bellefontaine, Ohio

“He (Abraham Lincoln) originated no measure, save the fugitive nigger (racial slur from context) bill referred to; made no speech; and, in one word, demonstrated his utter lack of all the qualities of a statesman. Having said and done nothing worth of remembrance, it was forgotten by the public that he had ever been a member.

“What a contrast with Clay or Webster, Doublas or Buchanan, Seward or Chase! Is such a man fit for President?”



A Northern Minister's View of Slavery”

“In the late Methodist Conference at New York, Rev. Mr. Settel was one of those who opposed the measures of the anti-slaveryites. We have the following brief report of his effective remarks:

“Slavery was called sinful because evils grew out of it. He denied it was necessarily a sin. There were many evils growing out of the marriage relation in the present imperfect state of society, but marriage was not sinful per se ...

“The question was whether they should let loose 4,000,000 of paupers upon the world. He depicted the natural degradation of the negro race, and insisted that they were best off at present.

“The negro in the West Indies was incapable of taking care of himself. Emancipation had blighted one-half of the finest of the Antilles.”

Historical Note – The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) was a slave revolt in the French colony of Saint-Domingue, which culminated in the elimination of slavery there and established the Republic of Haiti. It was the only slave revolt in the modern era that led to the founding of a state. It is generally considered the most successful slave rebellion ever to have occurred in the Americas.

(Continued) “Toussiant Overture (the best-known leader of the Haitian Revolution) discerned the evils of freedom to the blacks, and established the famout 'Rural Code,' with the intent to finally enslave all his race. Go where you would in our own North, and the negroes were an idle set. If slavery had degraded the negro, why didn't freedom elevate him? He affirmed most emphatically that, under God's providence, slavery in America had been the very thing which had elevated the negro race and he was a bold man who would d deny it!”

What Would Follow the Election of Lincoln” In the Times from the Southern Monitor in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

“Mr. Lincoln says the Southern people have no title to their slave property, and he is pledged to prevent its expansion. This is unconstitutional and Mr. Lincoln and his party will be regarded as outlaws, who have usurped the control of the government. For the Southern people may rebut the humanitarian logicians with the Constitution itself, and with other official documents.

“They can show that the word 'persons' was constructed to mean slaves by Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, under whose administration for twenty years, the Northern shippers were protected in the traffic. They can show that on every slave thus imported, the National Government levied a duty of ten dollars, which went into the National Treasury. And, they can likewise show that the government in its treaties with England demanded and received compensation for the loss of that kind of property. Hence they will insist that slave property enjoys as the sanctions of nationality as any other description of property, and that the outlaws would perpetrate the authorship of treaties as well as the destruction of the Constitution.

March 1, 1862

A Good Sign”

“One of the best signs of the times is the anger displayed by certain Republicans when addressed as Abolitionists. They declare that the charge is a grose slander; that they are not now, and never were Abolitionists; and furthermore, they swear if the charge is repeated, that they will flog the person who makes it. We are glad to notice this healthy change in public sentiment, and hope that the wicked and traitorous Abolition party will become so odious that no honest or honorable man will acknowledge that he has ever had anything to do with it.”

“The Union-feeling South will melt as snow before an April sun, if the abolition, emancipation measures before Congress should pass. It would create a new revolution in Western Virginia, Missouri, and Kentucky, and involve the whole North in inextricable dissensions, and loose (lose?) us the great portion of our army, for brave as it is, it will not fight for the negro – but for the Union.

“Where there is no slavery there is no rebellion. Let this be remembered.” New York Tribune

“It may also be said, where there is no money, no robberies take place. Would the Tribune, therefore, make the possession of the article a crime. Besides when there was no Abolitionism, there was no secession, nor any trouble about negroes in the country; and when this -ism is thoroughly crushed out, we will have some chance of regaining our former prosperity.” Bridgeport Farmer; Bridgeport, Connecticut

October 17, 1863

The Old Flag”

“With eleven or more states wiped out and converted into territories, according to the Sumner Abolition platform, the same number of states must be stricken from the old flag. Here, Abolitionism and Secessionism again join hands to desecrate and mutilate the banner of the Union.”

March 7, 1863

An Oath-Bound Political Order”

“An oath-bound league, patterned after the defunct and despised Know Nothing organization, is being established by the Abolition “no party” patriots. The members are bound by secret oaths to protect each other and to defend the order. The ritual is published in the last number of the Crisis --- taken from a pamphlet copy – and is a rich expose. This is the character of the political organization that is attempting to control the country. Their work requires darkness, and secrecy, and oaths.”

Sources


Brian Gabial. The Press and Slavery in America. April 18, 2017.

James DeWolf Perry and Katrina Browne. “The Civil War's dirty secret about slavery.” CNN. April 12, 2011.

Portsmouth Times, 1860-1863



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