Thursday, May 28, 2020

Blacks Risk Greater Death From Police Violence -- Statistics and Solutions



Police in the United States kill far more people than do police in other
advanced industrial democracies. While a substantial body of evidence
shows that people of color, especially African Americans, are at greater
risk for experiencing criminal justice contact and police-involved harm
than are whites, we lack basic estimates of the prevalence of police-involved
deaths, largely due to the absence of definitive official data.”

(J. Lartey. “By the numbers: US police kill more in days than other countries do in years.” The Guardian. June 9, 2015.)

Lack of Confidence

Does law enforcement have the trust of those they serve? How you answer that question may depend largely on the color of your skin. While white Americans tend to have “a great deal of confidence” in law enforcement, the black/Latino-white divide on attitudes towards the police remains deep and wide.

Half of whites say they have confidence in the police to gain the trust of those they serve compared with only 22 percent of blacks. Whites are much more likely than blacks or Latinos to say their experience with the police has been “mostly good.”

(McClatchy-Marist Poll. “Ferguson and Beyond: Race Permeates Views of Law Enforcement.” December 15, 2014.)

Rich Morin, a pollster and senior editor for Pew Research Center, reports findings in a survey (2016) that show a great divide in confidence – only 33 percent of African Americans said police do “a good or excellent job of using the right amount of force in each encounter” compared to the 75 percent of white Americans who believed in the judgment of police.

Blacks and whites live in two very different worlds with two very different worldviews on a variety of issues. One of those areas is police,” Morin said in 2016.


Research Supports Risks

Statistics show police violence is a leading cause of death for young men in the United States. People of color face a higher likelihood of being killed by police than do white men and women. That risk peaks in young adulthood, and men of color face a nontrivial lifetime risk of being killed by police.

Over the life course, about 1 in every 1,000 black men can expect to be killed by police. Risk of being killed by police peaks between the ages of 20 years and 35 years for men and women and for all racial and ethnic groups. Black women and men and American Indian and Alaska Native women and men are significantly more likely than white women and men to be killed by police. Latino men are also more likely to be killed by police than are white men.

(Frank Edwards, Hedwig Lee, and Michael Esposito. “Risk of being killed by police use of force in the United States by age, race–ethnicity, and sex.” 
PNAS. August 20, 2019.)

Police killings – which can include shootings, choking and other uses of force – are the sixth-leading cause of death among men of all races ages 25-29, according to a study published by the Proceedings of the National Academy of the Sciences.

According to Frank Edwards, lead researcher of the study and an assistant professor at the School of Criminal Justice at Rutgers University, the numbers “may be an undercount.” Edwards cites other research that shows “stop and frisk” and aggressive policing can affect both mental and physical health. Edwards concludes …

There’s clear evidence that shows the harmful and distinct ways police violence expands inequality. Policing plays a key role in maintaining structural inequalities between people of color and white people in the United States.”

A January 2015 report published in the Harvard Public Health Review, “Trends in U.S. Deaths due to Legal Intervention among Black and White men, Age 15-34 Years, by County Income Level: 1960-2010,” suggests persistent differences in risks for “violent encounters with police”:

The rate ratio for black vs. white men for death due to legal intervention always exceeded 2.5 (median: 4.5) and ranged from 2.6 (95 percent confidence interval [CI] 2.1, 3.1) in 2001 to 10.1 (95 percent CI 8.7, 11.7) in 1969, with the relative and absolute excess evident in all county income quintiles.”


Why do some experts fear matters may actually be much worse? There exists an absence of good, official data. A March 2015 report from the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) concludes that the current Arrest-Related Death (ARD) program – which aims to track persons who die in custody in America at the state level – typically only counts “about half, at best, of all deaths in police custody, and the coverage rate may be as low as 36 percent.”

The Bureau report also finds victims are majority white (52%) but disproportionately black (32%) with “a fatality rate 2.8 times higher among blacks than whites.” Most victims were reported to be armed (83%); however, “black victims were more likely to be unarmed (14.8%) than white (9.4%) or Hispanic (5.8%) victims.”

(Sarah DeGue, PhD,1 Katherine A. Fowler, PhD,1 and Cynthia Calkins,
PhD2. “Deaths Due to Use of Lethal Force by Law Enforcement.”
Am J Prev Med. Nov 2016.)

What do these statistics say about the links between structural racism – both within a police department and throughout society – and police violence. The first study to examine the relationship between structural racism and racial disparities in fatal police shootings at the state level, published in the Journal of the National Medical Association (2018), finds “states with a greater degree of structural racism, particularly residential segregation, have higher racial disparities in fatal police shootings of unarmed victims.”

Senior author Michael Siegel, professor of community health sciences, reports:

States that have higher rates of racial segregation, incarceration, educational attainment, economic disparity, and unemployment tend to have higher levels of police violence against African Americans.”

(Michael Siegel et al. “The Relationship Between Structural Racism and Black-White Disparities in Fatal Police Shootings at the State Level.” Journal of the National Medical Association. Volume 110, Issue 2, April 2018.)


What Is the Solution?

Why does American law enforcement “as a system” find unarmed nonwhite civilians threatening enough to shoot and kill more often than unarmed whites? That is a question which begs an honest answer. Just consider these figures from 2015:

* Police killed at least 104 unarmed black people in 2015, nearly twice each week.

* Nearly 1 in 3 black people killed by police in 2015 were identified as unarmed, though the actual number is likely higher due to underreporting

* 36% of unarmed people killed by police were black in 2015 despite black people being only 13% of the U.S. population

* Unarmed black people were killed at 5x the rate of unarmed whites in 2015

(“Mapping Police Violence.” U.S. Census. 2014.)

Abigail Sewell, a sociologist at Emory University, believes part of the solution may be to reduce unnecessary police contact in the first place. Programs that help young men of color find jobs might help keep them off the streets and away from cops. If unnecessary police contact were eliminated, she said, the incidence of fatal police violence might be lower – and racial disparities might be diminished too.

But I’m not sure if the disparities would disappear altogether,” Sewell says. “These women and these men … are living in neighborhoods that are overpoliced, where the police are very brutal in the way they treat citizens.”

Living in a state of constant fear can lead to chronic stress. Perhaps mental health professionals could be called upon to address psychiatric issues instead of asking police to do so, since they typically do not have training for such tasks.

Retired Police Maj. Neill Franklin highlights the need for cultural and logistical shifts in policing. He points to the “war on drugs” waged by the federal government as an example.

That campaign “is clearly a public health issue when it comes to addiction, but for decades we have been using our police departments as the tip of the spear in dealing with this public health issue,” said Franklin, who now serves as executive director of the Law Enforcement Action Partnership, an advocacy group comprising criminal justice professionals.

That spear, he said, has often been pointed toward black communities in inner cities.

(Anima Kahn. “Getting killed by police is a leading cause of death for young black men in America. Los Angeles Times. August 16, 2019.)

It is also clear that police officers’ use of lethal force is much more common than previously thought, and that it varies significantly across the country. Aggressive policing over time can increase local levels of violence and contact with the police.

Then, of course, there is the lightness or darkness of a person's skin and his or her ethnic group to consider. Racism exists in 2020. It is a part of the police community. It is alive, well, and functioning.

Consider this report from 2019:

Police departments in at least five states are investigating, and in some cases condemning, their officers' social media feeds after the weekend publication (June 2019) of a database that appears to catalog thousands of bigoted or violent posts by active-duty and former cops.”

The posts were uncovered by a team of researchers who spent two years looking at the personal Facebook accounts of police officers from Arizona to Florida. They found officers bashing immigrants and Muslims, promoting racist stereotypes, identifying with right-wing militia groups and, especially, glorifying police brutality. All the posts were public.

(Associated Press. “Research Uncovers Cops' Racist,
Violent Social Media Posts.” June 5, 2019.)

We can be sure that the risks of police violence against people of color are real. It is time to shed light on the problem, accept the horrifying realities of the research, and support changes for equality and justice. Given our fundamental need for proper enforcement, we must protect not only officers of the law but also those whom they serve.

No American should be subject to undue harm from the police. Aggressive police behavior is intolerable. Racial prejudice – in word or in deed – has no place in law enforcement.

Is it possible for white America to really understand blacks’ distrust of the legal system, their fears of racial profiling and the police, without understanding how cheap a black life was for so long a time in our nation’s history?”

– Philip Dray, At the Hands of Persons Unknown: The Lynching of Black America



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