Central to Donald Trump's
presidency is the effort to erase President Obama's legacy – all of
his policies, his social agenda, and even his very persona. The
persistence and intensity of Trump’s rage and frustration with
Obama betray motives other than mere politics. What exactly are those
motives?
1. Obama Envy
Noam Shpancer, Ph.D.,
insight therapist and author of the novel The
Good Psychologist, helps explain this hatred
of Donald Trump …
“Trump will accept
another person’s (or group’s) worth only to the extent that they
approve of and serve Trump. There is no other independent test of
merit. This is why the racism (and anti Semitism) explanation won't
stick on Trump. Racism is an ideology, and a tribal cast of mind.
Trump has neither ideology nor tribe, as he lacks the capacity to
attach to either. He only has himself.”
Shpancer thinks this is
also the same explanation for Trump's constant lying. He doesn't do
it to further a social, political, or ideological agenda. He lies
about the facts when the facts fail to fulfill his needs or flatter
him.
Trump has a chronic and
debilitating case of Obama envy. In Obama, Trump sees his antithesis,
that is, a person who is everything he is not and cannot be. Shpancer
says …
“Obama is a man in
full: self-made, self-aware, self-contained, at peace with himself,
at ease in the world, and capable of relating with people at eye
level. He can laugh with others and at himself. By temperament, he's
warm, emotionally stable, thoughtful, and open-minded … He
traffics in inspiration.
“Trump is at his core
indecent. As a man, he's forever fledgling. Propped up by his wealthy
father well into middle age, he struggles mightily with self-control,
by his own admission fears self-reflection, and is clearly incapable
of a range of human emotions, from empathy to humor. He has no use
for tenderness, the arts, or spiritual pursuits. Trump traffics in
debasement.”
(Noam
Shpancer. “The Psychology of Trump’s Preoccupation with Obama.”
Psychology
Today. September 3, 2019.)
2. Revenge
Trump pushed the unfounded
theory beginning around 2011 that President Barack Obama was born in
Kenya, rather than in Hawaii, and was therefore ineligible to be
president. Trump also floated the idea that Obama's birth documents
may label him a Muslim. He even claimed that he had proof that Obama
wasn't born in the U.S. When Obama eventually released his long-form
birth certificate, Trump claimed credit for getting the president to
do so. (Of course)
Conspiracy theories about Obama's supposed “secret Islamic” faith had been circulating since he first ran for the White House in 2008. Such unsubstantiated assertions often highlighted that his father was born into a Muslim family in Kenya, and that Obama received some instruction in the religion at the Indonesian public school he attended as a child.
Former first lady Michelle
Obama writes in her memoir that President Donald Trump's promotion of
the so-called birther movement is something she will "never
forgive him for," citing the threats she said her family felt as
a result of Trump's amplification of the conspiracy theory.
At the 2011 White House
Correspondents’ Association dinner. Trump – aka “Mr. Birther”
– was among the tuxedo-wearing guests. Trump had also been hinting,
not for the first time, that he might launch his own bid for the
presidency. There, President Obama mocked Trump's political ambitions
without mercy.
Joking and “roasting”
are traditionally features of the affair. Since the 1920s, the White
House Correspondents’ Association holds this annual dinner to
salute the First Amendment, honor award-winning journalism and
recognize scholarship winners.
The dinner has long
featured a professional comedian slinging jokes about the assembled
journalists, administration types and the president. The president
usually takes to the dais “to give as good as he gets,” roasting
the journalists who cover him and inflicting a few self-deprecating
zingers.
Obama roasted Trump for a
full five minutes that evening, seeming to delight in directing
zingers at the man who had questioned whether he was a legitimate
president. He said …
"No one is
happier, no one is prouder to put this birth certificate matter to
rest than the Donald. That's because he can finally get back to
focusing on the issues that matter, like: Did we fake the moon
landing? What really happened in Roswell? And where are Biggie and
Tupac?"
David Smith of The
Guardian reported of the dinner in 2011: The room erupted as
Obama pointed to a Photoshopped image of the then fantastical idea of
a Trump White House, with three extra stories, a huge 'TRUMP' sign, a
hotel, casino and golf course, a giant crystal chandelier, four gold
columns and two women in swimwear drinking cocktails in the north
lawn fountain.”
Trump, evidently, lacks a
funny bone. It cannot stand criticism of any kind. Four years later,
Adam Gopnik of the New Yorker magazine would recall:
“Trump’s
humiliation was as absolute, and as visible, as any I have ever seen:
his head set in place, like a man in a pillory, he barely moved or
altered his expression as wave after wave of laughter struck him …
he sat perfectly still, chin tight, in locked, unmovable rage.”
3. Race
Supporters
can dispute Trump's racism, and if you ask him, he answers he isn’t
racist. To the contrary, he’s repeatedly said that he’s “the
least racist person that you’ve ever encountered.” Trump’s
actual record, however, tells a very different story.
On
the campaign trail, Trump repeatedly made explicitly racist and
otherwise bigoted remarks, from calling Mexican immigrants criminals
and rapists to proposing a ban on all Muslims entering the US to
suggesting a judge should recuse himself from a case solely because
of the judge’s Mexican heritage.
The
trend has continued into his presidency. From stereotyping a black
reporter to pandering to white supremacists after they held a violent
rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, to cracking a joke about the
Trail of Tears, Trump hasn’t stopped with the racist acts after his
2016 election.
The term “white
fragility” is relevant to Trump's hatred of Obama. This condition –
the disbelieving defensiveness that white people exhibit when their
ideas about race and racism are challenged – is descriptive of
white people’s paper-thin skin in our largely segregated society
that is set up to insulate whites from racial discomfort.
A critical proportion of
Republicans have enthusiastically supported the candidate who
promised to turn back the demographic clock. Who better than sworn
“Make America Great Again” candidate Donald Trump?
It is clear Trump's
predecessor, President Obama really did activate voters – their
hopes and also their fears. Trump subscribes to the racist theory
that success or failure of a member of a racial group contributes to
all in that group. He is a stanch white nationalist who manipulates
his base while practicing dog-whistle politics – using rhetoric
that operates in code. Terms such as “shithole countries” or “go
back” are silent about race, but they provoke sharp racial
reactions. Deception is everywhere.
How
about Trump’s supporters? Do they support a racist? They reassure
themselves that he and they are not racist by defining racism
incredibly narrowly. Ian Haney Lopez of the Los
Angeles Times
reported that a supporter at a recent rally defended Trump against
the charge of racism by insisting, “He didn’t say nothing about
the color of somebody’s skin.” By implication, if Trump attacks
people’s culture, religion or country of origin but avoids
mentioning biology, it’s not racism.
Some social experts use
the “quacks like a duck” evaluation based on statistics. Vanessa
Williamson and Isabella Gelfand of the Brookings Institution wrote in
their article “Trump and racism: What do the data say?” (2019) …
“When the data show
that President Trump’s support stems from racist and sexist
beliefs, and that his election emboldened Americans to engage in
racist behavior, it is the responsibility of social scientists and
other political observers to say so.”
The fragility theory has
deep roots in reverse discrimination. It is sown by media pundits
like Rush Limbaugh, honored as “one of the founders of the modern
conservative movement.” He told his millions of listeners in 2009:
“How
do you get promoted in a Barack Obama administration? By hating white
people, or even saying you do, or that they’re not good, or
whatever. Make white people the new oppressed minority, and they are
going along with it, because they’re shutting up. They’re moving
to the back of the bus.”
Ezra Klein,
editor-at-large and founder of Vox, speaks of the 2012 reelection
campaign in which Obama won merely 39 percent of the white vote – a
smaller share than Michael Dukakis had commanded in 1988. That is to
say, a few decades ago, the multiracial Obama coalition couldn’t
drive American politics; but by 2012, it could.
After Obama's two terms,
race once again played a huge part in Trump's election.Joy-Ann Reid,
Host, NBC New's “AM Joy," declares:
“The seeds of Trump's
victory were sown the moment Obama won … Nine months into the
Donald Trump administration, the United States seems eons removed
from the country that just nine years ago elected its first black
president … Yet the racial divide that Trump demonstrated with his
narrow Electoral College win was always there.”
Race once more emerged as
a divisive issue grounded in Trump's nationalist agenda. He used a
real white, blue-collar American fear of the browning of America to
his advantage. Sean McElwee and Jason McDaniel reported in The
Nation (2017) …
“In short, our
analysis indicates that Donald Trump successfully leveraged existing
resentment towards African Americans in combination with emerging
fears of increased racial diversity in America to reshape the
presidential electorate, strongly attracting nativists towards Trump
and pushing some more affluent and highly educated people with more
cosmopolitan views to support Hillary Clinton. Racial identity and
attitudes have further displaced class as the central battleground of
American politics.”
The Continuous
Reference
Now, while seeking
reelection, Trump continues to embrace white identity politics. An
analysis of the president’s tweets in the Trump Twitter Archive
shows that Obama was mentioned or berated 246 times during Trump's
951 days in office.
A November 2019 analysis
from CNN's Daniel Dale shows Trump has mentioned Obama and the Obama
administration by name more frequently in the past 18 months than he
had in the first 18 months of his presidency. Dale wrote …
"Through October,
Trump had mentioned Obama by name 537 times during 2019 as a whole --
an average of 1.8 times per day."
Obama is a rhetorical
crutch for Trump to defend his own decisions. This defense reeks of
deflection and distraction. Yes, the strategy is definitely
political, yet even more disturbing, it is deeply personal and based
on envy and prejudice of a black president. And, of course Trump’s
criticism of Obama helps rally the president's conservative base of
voters heading into the 2020 election.
Culture critic and author
Henry Giroux believes that racism in the Obama era is different from
the historical “crude racism with its biological referents and
pseudo-scientific legitimations.”
This new breed of racism,
Giroux wrote, “cynically recodes itself within the vocabulary of
the civil rights movement, invoking the language of Martin Luther
King Jr., to argue that individuals should be judged by the ‘content
of their character’ and not by the color of their skin.”
Salim Muwakkil –
American journalist, senior editor at In These Times and an
op-ed columnist for the Chicago Tribune – concludes …
“Giroux’s statement
differentiating 'crude racism' from subtler forms could not be
written today, given not only the rise of the alt-right but also the
mainstreaming of the rhetoric of white supremacy and Trump’s
wink-and-a-nod toward white nationalism. The president himself has
self-identified as a 'nationalist.' He didn’t have to add “white”
– his supporters knew what that meant. With his demagoguery and his
'birther' campaign, among other racist schemes, Donald Trump gave
permission to the brewing backlash against Obama.”
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